1.
Gaul being tranquil, Caesar, as he had
determined, sets out for Italy to hold the
provincial assizes. There he receives intelligence of the death of
Clodius; and, being informed of the decree of the senate, [to
the effect] that all the youth of Italy should take the
military oath, he determined to hold a levy throughout the entire province.
Report of these events is rapidly borne into Transalpine Gaul. The
Gauls themselves add to the report, and invent what the case
seemed to require, [namely] that Caesar was detained by
commotions in the city, and could not, amid so violent dissensions, come to his
army. Animated by this opportunity, they who already, previously to this
occurrence, were indignant that they were reduced beneath the dominion of Rome
, begin to organize their plans for war more openly and daringly. The
leading men of Gaul, having convened councils
among themselves in the woods, and retired places, complain of the death of
Acco: they point out that this fate may fall in turn on
themselves: they bewail the unhappy fate of Gaul; and by every sort of
promises and rewards, they earnestly solicit some to begin the war, and assert
the freedom of Gaul at the hazard of their
lives. They say that special care should be paid to this, that Caesar should be cut off from his army before their secret plans
should be divulged. That this was easy, because neither would the legions, in
the absence of their general, dare to leave their winter quarters, nor could the
general reach his army without a guard: finally, that it was better to be slain
in battle, than not to recover their ancient glory in war, and that freedom
which they had received from their forefathers. 2.
While these things are in agitation, the Carnutes declare "that they
would decline no danger for the sake of the general safety, and promise" that
they would be the first of all to begin the war; and since they can not at
present take precautions, by giving and receiving hostages, that the affair
shall not be divulged, they require that a solemn assurance be given them by
oath and plighted honor, their military standards being brought together (in
which manner their most sacred obligations are made binding), that they should
not be deserted by the rest of the Gauls on
commencing the war. 3.
When the appointed day came, the Carnutes, under the command of
Cotuatus and Conetodunus, desperate men, meet
together at Genabum , and slay the Roman citizens who
had settled there for the purpose of trading (among the rest, Caius Fusius
Cita, a distinguished Roman knight, who by
Caesar's orders had presided over the provision
department), and plunder their property. The report is quickly spread among all
the states of Gaul; for, whenever a more
important and remarkable event takes place, they transmit the intelligence
through their lands and districts by a shout; the others take it up in
succession, and pass it to their neighbors, as happened on this occasion; for
the things which were done at Genabum at sunrise, were heard in the territories of the
Arverni before the end of the first watch, which is an extent
of more than a hundred and sixty miles. 4.
There in like manner, Vercingetorix the son of
Celtillus the Arvernian, a young man of the
highest power (whose father had held the supremacy of entire Gaul, and had been put to death by his fellow-citizens, for this
reason, because he aimed at sovereign power), summoned together his dependents,
and easily excited them. On his design being made known, they rush to arms: he
is expelled from the town of Gergovia , by his uncle Gobanitio and the rest of the
nobles, who were of opinion, that such an enterprise ought not to be hazarded:
he did not however desist, but held in the country a levy of the needy and
desperate. Having collected such a body of troops, he brings over to his
sentiments such of his fellow-citizens as he has access to: he exhorts them to
take up arms in behalf of the general freedom, and having assembled great forces
he drives from the state his opponents, by whom he had been expelled a short
time previously. He is saluted king by his partisans; he sends embassadors in
every direction, he conjures them to adhere firmly to their promise. He quickly
attaches to his interests the Senones , Parisii , Pictones, Cadurci, Turones , Aulerci, Lemovice, and all the
others who border on the ocean; the supreme command is conferred on him by
unanimous consent. On obtaining this authority, he demands hostages from all
these states, he orders a fixed number of soldiers to be sent to him
immediately; he determines what quantity of arms each state shall prepare at
home, and before what time; he pays particular attention to the cavalry. To the
utmost vigilance he adds the utmost rigor of authority; and by the severity of
his punishments brings over the wavering: for on the commission of a greater
crime he puts the perpetrators to death by fire and every sort of tortures; for
a slighter cause, he sends home the offenders with their ears cut off, or one of
their eyes put out, that they may be an example to the rest, and frighten others
by the severity of their punishment. 5.
Having quickly collected an army by their punishments, he sends
Lucterius, one of the Cadurci, a man the utmost
daring, with part of his forces, into the territory of the Ruteni;
and marches in person into the country of the Bituriges. On his
arrival, the Bituriges send embassadors to the Aedui,
under whose protection they were, to solicit aid in order that they might more
easily resist the forces of the enemy. The Aedui, by the advice of
the lieutenants whom Caesar had left with the army,
send supplies of horse and foot to succor the Bituriges. When they
came to the river Loire , which separates the
Bituriges from the Aedui, they delayed a few days
there, and, not daring to pass the river, return home, and send back word to the
lieutenants that they had returned through fear of the treachery of the
Bituriges, who, they ascertained, had formed this design, that
if the Aedui should cross the river, the Bituriges on
the one side, and the Arverni on the other, should surround them.
Whether they did this for the reason which they alleged to the lieutenants, or
influenced by treachery, we think that we ought not to state as certain, because
we have no proof. On their departure, the Bituriges immediately
unite themselves to the Arverni. 6.
These affairs being announced to Caesar in Italy, at the time when he understood that matters in the city had
been reduced to a more tranquil state by the energy of Cneius
Pompey, he set out for Transalpine Gaul. After he had
arrived there, he was greatly at a loss to know by what means he could reach his
army. For if he should summon the legions into the province, he was aware that
on their march they would have to fight in his absence; he foresaw too that if
he himself should endeavor to reach the army, he would act injudiciously, in
trusting his safety even to those who seemed to be tranquilized. 7.
In the mean time Lucterius the Cadurcan, having been
sent into the country of the Ruteni, gains over that state to the
Arverni. Having advanced into the country of the
Nitiobriges, and Gabali, he receives hostages from
both nations, and, assembling a numerous force, marches to make a descent on the
province in the direction of Narbo . Caesar, when this circumstance was
announced to him, thought that the march to Narbo ought to take the precedence of all his other plans. When he
arrived there, he encourages the timid and stations garrisons among the
Ruteni, in the province of the Volcae Arecomici,
and the country around Narbo which was in the vicinity of the enemy; he orders a portion
of the forces from the province, and the recruits which he had brought from
Italy, to rendezvous
among the Helvii who border on the territories of the
Arverni. 8.
These matters being arranged, and Lucterius now checked and forced
to retreat, because he thought it dangerous to enter the line of Roman garrisons, Caesar
marches into the country of the Helvii; although mount Cevennes
, which separates the Arverni from the Helvii,
blocked up the way with very deep snow, as it was the severest season of the
year; yet having cleared away the snow to the depth of six feet, and having
opened the roads, he reaches the territories of the Arverni, with
infinite labor to his soldiers. This people being surprised, because they
considered themselves defended by the Cevennes
as by a wall, and the paths at this season of the year had never before
been passable even to individuals, he orders the cavalry to extend themselves as
far as they could, and strike as great a panic as possible into the enemy. These
proceedings are speedily announced to Vercingetorix by rumor and
his messengers. Around him all the Arverni crowd in alarm, and
solemnly entreat him to protect their property, and not to suffer them to be
plundered by the enemy, especially as he saw that all the war was transferred
into their country. Being prevailed upon by their entreaties he moves his camp
from the country of the Bituriges in the direction of the
Arverni. 9.
Caesar, having delayed two days in that place, because
he had anticipated that, in the natural course of events, such would be the
conduct of Vercingetorix, leaves the army under pretense of raising
recruits and cavalry: he places Brutus, a young man, in
command of these forces; he gives him instructions that the cavalry should range
as extensively as possible in all directions; that he would exert himself not to
be absent from the camp longer than three days. Having arranged these matters,
he marches to Vienna by as long journeys as he can, when his own soldiers did not
expect him. Finding there a fresh body of cavalry, which he had sent on to that
place several days before, marching incessantly night and day, he advanced
rapidly through the territory of the Aedui into that of the Lingones , in which two legions were wintering, that, if any plan
affecting his own safety should have been organized by the Aedui,
he might defeat it by the rapidity of his movements. When he arrived there, he
sends information to the rest of the legions, and gathers all his army into one
place before intelligence of his arrival could be announced to the
Arverni. Vercingetorix, on hearing this
circumstance, leads back his army into the country of the
Bituriges; and after marching from it to Gergovia , a town of the Boii, whom Caesar had settled there after defeating them in the
Helvetian war, and had rendered tributary to the
Aedui, he determined to attack it. 10.
This action caused great perplexity to Caesar in the
selection of his plans; [he feared] lest, if he should confine his legions in
one place for the remaining portion of the winter, all Gaul should revolt
when the tributaries of the Aedui were subdued, because it would
appear that there was in him no protection for his friends; but if he should
draw them too soon out of their winter quarters, he might be distressed by the
want of provisions, in consequence of the difficulty of conveyance. It seemed
better, however, to endure every hardship than to alienate the affections of all
his allies, by submitting to such an insult. Having, therefore, impressed on the
Aedui the necessity of supplying him with provisions, he sends
forward messengers to the Boii to inform them of his arrival, and
encourage them to remain firm in their allegiance, and resist the attack of the
enemy with great resolution. Having left two legions and the luggage of the
entire army at Agendicum, he marches to the
Boii. 11.
On the second day, when he came to Vellaunodunum, a town of the
Senones , he determined to attack it, in order that he might not
leave an enemy in his rear, and might the more easily procure supplies of
provisions, and draw a line of circumvallation around it in two days: on the
third day, embassadors being sent from the town to treat of a capitulation, he
orders their arms to be brought together, their cattle to be brought forth, and
six hundred hostages to be given. He leaves Caius Trebonius his
lieutenant, to complete these arrangements; he himself sets out with the
intention of marching as soon as possible, to Genabum , a town of the Carnutes, who having then for
the first time received information of the siege of Vellaunodunum,
as they thought that it would be protracted to a longer time, were preparing a
garrison to send to Genabum for the defense of that town. Caesar arrived here in two days; after pitching his camp before the
town, being prevented by the time of the day, he defers the attack to the next
day, and orders his soldiers to prepare whatever was necessary for that
enterprise; and as a bridge over the Loire connected the town of
Genabum with the opposite bank, fearing lest the inhabitants should
escape by night from the town, he orders two legions to keep watch under arms.
The people of Genabum came forth silently from the city before midnight, and
began to cross the river. When this circumstance was announced by scouts, Caesar, having set fire to the gates, sends in the
legions which he had ordered to be ready, and obtains possession of the town so
completely, that very few of the whole number of the enemy escaped being taken
alive, because the narrowness of the bridge and the roads prevented the
multitude from escaping. He pillages and burns the town, gives the booty to the
soldiers, then leads his army over the Loire , and marches into the
territories of the Bituriges. 12.
Vercingetorix, when he ascertained the arrival of Caesar, desisted from the siege [of Gergovia], and
marched to meet Caesar. The latter had commenced to
besiege Noviodunum ; and when embassadors came from this town to beg that he
would pardon them and spare their lives, in order that he might execute the rest
of his designs with the rapidity by which he had accomplished most of them, he
orders their arms to be collected, their horses to be brought forth, and
hostages to be given. A part of the hostages being now delivered up, when the
rest of the terms were being performed, a few centurions and soldiers being sent
into the town to collect the arms and horses, the enemy's cavalry which had
outstripped the main body of Vercingetorix's army, was seen at a
distance; as soon as the townsmen beheld them, and entertained hopes of
assistance, raising a shout, they began to take up arms, shut the gates, and
line the walls. When the centurions in the town understood from the
signal-making of the Gauls that they were forming
some new design, they drew their swords and seized the gates, and recovered all
their men safe. 13.
Caesar orders the horse to be drawn out of the camp, and
commences a cavalry action. His men being now distressed, Caesar sends to their aid about four hundred German horse, which he had determined, at the beginning, to keep
with himself. The Gauls could not withstand their attack, but were
put to flight, and retreated to their main body, after losing a great number of
men. When they were routed, the townsmen, again intimidated, arrested those
persons by whose exertions they thought that the mob had been roused, and
brought them to Caesar, and surrendered themselves to
him. When these affairs were accomplished, Caesar
marched to the Avaricum , which was the largest and best fortified town in the
territories of the Bituriges, and situated in a most fertile tract
of country; because he confidently expected that on taking that town, he would
reduce beneath his dominion the state of the Bituriges. 14.
Vercingetorix, after sustaining such a series of losses at Vellaunodunum, Genabum , and Noviodunum , summons his men to a council. He impresses on them
"that the war must be prosecuted on a very different system from that which had
been previously adopted; but they should by all means aim at this object, that
the Romans should be prevented from foraging and
procuring provisions; that this was easy, because they themselves were well
supplied with cavalry, and were likewise assisted by the season of the year;
that forage could not be cut; that the enemy must necessarily disperse, and look
for it in the houses, that all these might be daily destroyed by the horse.
Besides that the interests of private property must be neglected for the sake of
the general safety; that the villages and houses ought to be fired, over such an
extent of country in every direction from Boia, as the Romans appeared capable of scouring in their search for
forage. That an abundance of these necessaries could be supplied to them,
because they would be assisted by the resources of those in whose territories
the war would be waged: that the Romans either would
not bear the privation, or else would advance to any distance from the camp with
considerable danger; and that it made no difference whether they slew them or
stripped them of their baggage, since, if it was lost, they could not carry on
the war. Besides that, the towns ought to be burned which were not secured
against every danger by their fortifications or natural advantages; that there
should not be places of retreat for their own countrymen for declining military
service, nor be exposed to the Romans as inducements
to carry off abundance of provisions and plunder. If these sacrifices should
appear heavy or galling, that they ought to consider it much more distressing
that their wives and children should be dragged off to slavery, and themselves
slain; the evils which must necessarily befall the conquered. 15.
This opinion having been approved of by unanimous consent, more than twenty towns
of the Bituriges are burned in one day. Conflagrations
are beheld in every quarter; and although all bore this with great regret, yet
they laid before themselves this consolation, that, as the victory was certain,
they could quickly recover their losses. There is a debate concerning Avaricum in the general council, whether they should decide, that
it should be burned or defended. The Bituriges threw themselves at
the feet of all the Gauls, and entreat that they
should not be compelled to set fire with their own hands to the fairest city of
almost the whole of Gaul, which was both a
protection and ornament to the state; they say that "they could easily defend
it, owing to the nature of the ground, for, being inclosed almost on every side
by a river and a marsh, it had only one entrance, and that very narrow."
Permission being granted to them at their earnest request,
Vercingetorix at first dissuades them from it, but afterward
concedes the point, owing to their entreaties and the compassion of the
soldiers. A proper garrison is selected for the town. 16.
Vercingetorix follows closely upon Caesar
by shorter marches, and selects for his camp a place defended by woods and
marshes, at the distance of fifteen miles from Avaricum . There he received intelligence by trusty scouts, every
hour in the day, of what was going on at Avaricum , and ordered whatever he wished to be done; he closely
watched all our expeditions for corn and forage, and whenever they were
compelled to go to a greater distance, he attacked them when dispersed, and
inflicted severe loss upon them; although the evil was remedied by our men, as
far as precautions could be taken, by going forth at irregular times' and by
different ways. 17.
Caesar pitching his camp at that side of the town which
was not defended by the river and marsh, and had a very narrow approach, as we
have mentioned, began to raise the vineae and erect two towers: for the nature
of the place prevented him from drawing a line of circumvallation. He never
ceased to importune the Boii and Aedui for supplies of
corn; of whom the one [the Aedui], because they were acting with no
zeal, did not aid him much; the others [the Boii], as their
resources were not great, quickly consumed what they had. Although the army was
distressed by the greatest want of corn, through the poverty of the
Boii, the apathy of the Aedui, and the burning of
the houses, to such a degree, that for several days the soldiers were without
corn, and satisfied their extreme hunger with cattle driven from the remote
villages; yet no language was heard from them unworthy of the majesty of the
Roman people and their former victories.
Moreover, when Caesar addressed the legions, one by
one, when at work, and said that he would raise the siege, if they felt the
scarcity too severely, they unanimously begged him "not to do so; that they had
served for several years under his command in such a manner that they never
submitted to insult, and never abandoned an enterprise without accomplishing it;
that they should consider it a disgrace if they abandoned the siege after
commencing it; that it was better to endure every hardship than to not avenge
the names of the Roman citizens who perished at Genabum by the perfidy of the Gauls."
They intrusted the same declarations to the centurions and military tribunes,
that through them they might be communicated to Caesar.
18.
When the towers had now approached the walls, Caesar
ascertained from the captives that Vercingetorix after destroying
the forage, had pitched his camp nearer Avaricum , and that he himself with the cavalry and light-armed
infantry, who generally fought among the horse, had gone to lay an ambuscade in
that quarter, to which he thought that our troops would come the next day to
forage. On learning these facts, he set out from the camp secretly at midnight,
and reached the camp of the enemy early in the morning. They having quickly
learned the arrival of Caesar by scouts, hid their cars
and baggage in the thickest parts of the woods, and drew up all their forces in
a lofty and open space: which circumstance being announced, Caesar immediately ordered the baggage to be piled, and the arms to
be got ready. 19.
There was a hill of a gentle ascent from the bottom; a dangerous and impassable
marsh, not more than fifty feet broad, begirt it on almost every side. The
Gauls, having broken down the bridges, posted themselves on
this hill, in confidence of their position, and being drawn up in tribes
according to their respective states, held all the fords and passages of that
marsh with trusty guards, thus determined that if the Romans should attempt to force the marsh, they would overpower them
from the higher ground while sticking in it, so that whoever saw the nearness of
the position, would imagine that the two armies were prepared to fight on almost
equal terms; but whoever should view accurately the disadvantage of position,
would discover that they were showing off an empty affectation of courage. Caesar clearly points out to his soldiers, who were
indignant that the enemy could bear the sight of them at the distance of so
short a space, and were earnestly demanding the signal for action, "with how
great loss and the death of how many gallant men the victory would necessarily
be purchased: and when he saw them so determined to decline no danger for his
renown, that he ought to be considered guilty of the utmost injustice if he did
not hold their life dearer than his personal safety." Having thus consoled his
soldiers, he leads them back on the same day to the camp, and determined to
prepare the other things which were necessary for the siege of the town.
20.
Vercingetorix, when he had returned to his men, was accused of
treason, in that he had moved his camp nearer the Romans, in that he had gone away with all the cavalry, in that he
had left so great forces without a commander, in that, on his departure, the
Romans had come at such a favorable season, and
with such dispatch; that all these circumstances could not have happened
accidentally or without design; that he preferred holding the sovereignty of
Gaul by the grant of Caesar to acquiring it
by their favor. Being accused in such a manner, he made the following reply to
these charges:-"That his moving his camp had been caused by want of forage, and
had been done even by their advice; that his approaching near the Romans had been a measure dictated by the favorable
nature of the ground, which would defend him by its natural strength; that the
service of the cavalry could not have been requisite in marshy ground, and was
useful in that place to which they had gone; that he, on his departure, had
given the supreme command to no one intentionally, lest he should be induced by
the eagerness of the multitude to hazard an engagement, to which he perceived
that all were inclined, owing to their want of energy, because they were unable
to endure fatigue any longer. That, if the Romans in
the mean time came up by chance, they [the Gauls] should feel
grateful to fortune; if invited by the information of some one they should feel
grateful to him, because they were enabled to see distinctly from the higher
ground the smallness of the number of their enemy, and despise the courage of
those who, not daring to fight, retreated disgracefully into their camp. That he
desired no power from Caesar by treachery, since he
could have it by victory, which was now assured to himself and to all the Gauls; nay, that he would even give them back the
command, if they thought that they conferred honor on him, rather than received
safety from him. That you may be assured," said he, "that I speak these words
with truth; -listen to these Roman soldiers!" He
produces some camp-followers whom he had surprised on a foraging expedition some
days before, and had tortured by famine and confinement. They being previously
instructed in what answers they should make when examined, say, "That they were
legionary soldiers, that, urged by famine and want, they had recently gone forth
from the camp, [to see] if they could find any corn or cattle in the fields;
that the whole army was distressed by a similar scarcity, nor had any one now
sufficient strength, nor could bear the labor of the work; and therefore that
the general was determined, if he made no progress in the siege, to draw off his
army in three days." "These benefits," says Vercingetorix, "you
receive from me, whom you accuse of treason-me, by whose exertions you see so
powerful and victorious an army almost destroyed by famine, without shedding one
drop of your blood; and I have taken precautions that no state shall admit
within its territories this army in its ignominious flight from this place."
21.
The whole multitude raise a shout and clash their arms, according to their
custom, as they usually do in the case of him of whose speech they approve;
[they exclaim] that Vercingetorix was a consummate general, and
that they had no doubt of his honor; that the war could not be conducted with
greater prudence. They determine that ten thousand men should be picked out of
the entire army and sent into the town, and decide that the general safety
should not be intrusted to the Bituriges alone, because they were
aware that the glory of the victory must rest with the Bituriges,
if they made good the defense of the town. 22.
To the extraordinary valor of our soldiers, devices of every sort were opposed by
the Gauls; since they are a nation of consummate
ingenuity, and most skillful in imitating and making those things which are
imparted by any one; for they turned aside the hooks with nooses, and when they
had caught hold of them firmly, drew them on by means of engines, and undermined
the mound the more skillfully on this account, because there are in their
territories extensive iron mines, and consequently every description of mining
operations is known and practiced by them. They had furnished, more over, the
whole wall on every side with turrets, and had covered them with skins. Besides,
in their frequent sallies by day and night, they attempted either to set fire to
the mound, or attack our soldiers when engaged in the works; and, moreover, by
splicing the upright timbers of their own towers, they equaled the height of
ours, as fast as the mound had daily raised them, and countermined our mines,
and impeded the working of them by stakes bent and sharpened at the ends, and
boiling pitch and stones of very great weight, and prevented them from
approaching the walls. 23.
But this is usually the form of all the Gallic walls. Straight
beams, connected lengthwise and two feet distant from each other at equal
intervals, are placed together on the ground; these are mortised on the inside,
and covered with plenty of earth. But the intervals which we have mentioned, are
closed up in front by large stones. These being thus laid and cemented together,
another row is added above, in such a manner, that the same interval may be
observed, and that the beams may not touch one another, but equal spaces
intervening, each row of beams is kept firmly in its place by a row of stones.
In this manner the whole wall is consolidated, until the regular height of the
wall be completed. This work, with respect to appearance and variety, is not
unsightly, owing to the alternate rows of beams and stones, which preserve their
order in right lines; and, besides, it possesses great advantages as regards
utility and the defense of cities; for the stone protects it from fire, and the
wood from the battering ram, since it [the wood] being mortised in the inside
with rows of beams, generally forty feet each in length, can neither be broken
through nor torn asunder. 24.
The siege having been impeded by so many disadvantages, the soldiers, although
they were retarded during the whole time by the mud, cold, and constant showers,
yet by their incessant labor overcame all these obstacles, and in twenty-five
days raised a mound three hundred and thirty feet broad and eighty feet high.
When it almost touched the enemy's walls, and Caesar,
according to his usual custom, kept watch at the work, and encouraged the
soldiers not to discontinue the work for a moment: a little before the third
watch they discovered that the mound was sinking, since the enemy had set it on
fire by a mine; and at the same time a shout was raised along the entire wall,
and a sally was made from two gates on each side of the turrets. Some at a
distance were casting torches and dry wood from the wall on the mound, others
were pouring on it pitch, and other materials, by which the flame might be
excited, so that a plan could hardly be formed, as to where they should first
run to the defense, or to what part aid should be brought. However, as two
legions always kept guard before the camp by Caesar's
orders, and several of them were at stated times at the work, measures were
promptly taken, that some should oppose the sallying party, others draw back the
towers and make a cut in the rampart; and moreover, that the whole army should
hasten from the camp to extinguish the flames. 25.
When the battle was going on in every direction, the rest of the night being now
spent, and fresh hopes of victory always arose before the enemy: the more so on
this account because they saw the coverings of our towers burnt away, and
perceived, that we, being exposed, could not easily go to give assistance, and
they themselves were always relieving the weary with fresh men, and considered
that all the safety of Gaul rested on this crisis;
there happened in my own view a circumstance which, having appeared to be worthy
of record, we thought it ought not to be omitted. A certain Gaul before the gate of the town, who was casting into the fire
opposite the turret balls of tallow and fire which were passed along to him, was
pierced with a dart on the right side and fell dead. One of those next him
stepped over him as he lay, and discharged the same office: when the second man
was slain in the same manner by a wound from a cross-bow, a third succeeded him,
and a fourth succeeded the third: nor was this post left vacant by the besieged,
until, the fire of the mound having been extinguished, and the enemy repulsed in
every direction, an end was put to the fighting. 26.
The Gauls having tried every expedient, as nothing had succeeded,
adopted the design of fleeing from the town the next day, by the advice and
order of Vercingetorix. They hoped that, by attempting it at the
dead of night, they would effect it without any great loss of men, because the
camp of Vercingetorix was not far distant from the town, and the
extensive marsh which intervened, was likely to retard the Romans in the pursuit. And they were now preparing to execute this
by night, when the matrons suddenly ran out-into the streets, and weeping cast
themselves at the feet of their husbands, and requested of them, with every
entreaty, that they should not abandon themselves and their common children to
the enemy for punishment, because the weakness of their nature and physical
powers prevented them from taking to flight. When they saw that they (as fear
does not generally admit of mercy in extreme danger) persisted in their
resolution, they began to shout aloud, and give intelligence of their flight to
the Romans. The Gauls being intimidated
by fear of this, lest the passes should be pre-occupied by the Roman cavalry, desisted from their design. 27.
The next day Caesar, the tower being advanced, and the
works which he had determined to raise being arranged, a violent storm arising,
thought this no bad time for executing his designs, because he observed the
guards arranged on the walls a little too negligently, and therefore ordered his
own men to engage in their work more remissly, and pointed out what he wished to
be done. He drew up his soldiers in a secret position within the vineae, and
exhorts them to reap, at least, the harvest of victory proportionate to their
exertions. He proposed a reward for those who should first scale the walls, and
gave the signal to the soldiers. They suddenly flew out from all quarters and
quickly filled the walls. 28.
The enemy being alarmed by the suddenness of the attack, were dislodged from the
wall and towers, and drew up, in form of a wedge, in the market place and the
open streets, with this intention that, if an attack should be made on any side,
they should fight with their line drawn up to receive it. When they saw no one
descending to the level ground, and the enemy extending themselves along the
entire wall in every direction, fearing lest every hope of flight should be cut
off, they cast away their arms, and sought, without stopping, the most remote
parts of the town. A part was then slain by the infantry when they were crowding
upon one another in the narrow passage of the gates; and a part having got
without the gates, were cut to pieces by the cavalry: nor was there one who was
anxious for the plunder. Thus, being excited by the massacre at Genabum and the fatigue of the siege, they spared neither those
worn out with years, women, or children. Finally, out of all that number, which
amounted to about forty thousand, scarcely eight hundred, who fled from the town
when they heard the first alarm, reached Vercingetorix in safety:
and he, the night being now far spent, received them in silence after their
flight (fearing that any sedition should arise in the camp from their entrance
in a body and the compassion of the soldiers), so that, having arranged his
friends and the chiefs of the states at a distance on the road, he took
precautions that they should be separated and conducted to their fellow
countrymen, to whatever part of the camp had been assigned to each state from
the beginning. 29.
Vercingetorix having convened an assembly on the following day,
consoled and encouraged his soldiers in the following words: "That they should
not be too much depressed in spirit, nor alarmed at their loss; that the Romans did not conquer by valor nor in the field, but
by a kind of art and skill in assault, with which they themselves were
unacquainted; that whoever expected every event in the war to be favorable,
erred; that it never was his opinion that Avaricum should be defended, of the truth of which statement he had
themselves as witnesses, but that it was owing to the imprudence of the
Bituriges, and the too ready compliance of the rest, that this
loss was sustained; that, however, he would soon compensate it by superior
advantages; for that he would, by his exertions, bring over those states which
severed themselves from the rest of the Gauls, and
would create a general unanimity throughout the whole of Gaul, the union of
which not even the whole earth could withstand, and that he had it already
almost effected; that in the mean time it was reasonable that he should prevail
on them, for the sake of the general safety, to begin to fortify their camp, in
order that they might the more easily sustain the sudden attacks of the enemy."
30.
This speech was not disagreeable to the Gauls,
principally, because he himself was not disheartened by receiving so severe a
loss, and had not concealed himself, nor shunned the eyes of the people: and he
was believed to possess greater foresight and sounder judgment than the rest,
because, when the affair was undecided, he had at first been of opinion that
Avaricum should be burnt, and afterward that it should be
abandoned. Accordingly, as ill success weakens the authority of other generals,
so, on the contrary, his dignity increased daily, although a loss was sustained:
at the same time they began to entertain hopes, on his assertion, of uniting the
rest of the states to themselves, and on this occasion, for the first time, the
Gauls began to fortify their camps, and were so
alarmed that although they were men unaccustomed to toil, yet they were of
opinion that they ought to endure and suffer every thing which should be imposed
upon them. 31.
Nor did Vercingetorix use less efforts than he had promised, to gain
over the other states, and [in consequence] endeavored to entice their leaders
by gifts and promises. For this object he selected fitting emissaries, by whose
subtle pleading or private friendship, each of the nobles could be most easily
influenced. He takes care that those who fled to him on the storming of Avaricum should be provided with arms and clothes. At the same time
that his diminished forces should be recruited, he levies a fixed quota of
soldiers from each state, and defines the number and day before which he should
wish them brought to the camp, and orders all the archers, of whom there was a
very great number in Gaul, to be collected and sent
to him. By these means, the troops which were lost at Avaricum are speedily replaced. In the mean time,
Teutomarus, the son of Ollovicon, the king of the
Nitiobriges, whose father had received the appellation of
friend from our senate, came to him with a great number of his own horse and
those whom he had hired from Aquitania .
32.
Caesar, after delaying several days at Avaricum , and, finding there the greatest plenty of corn and other
provisions, refreshed his army after their fatigue and privation. The winter
being almost ended, when he was invited by the favorable season of the year to
prosecute the war and march against the enemy, [and try] whether he could draw
them from the marshes and woods, or else press them by a blockade; some noblemen
of the Aedui came to him as embassadors to entreat "that in an
extreme emergency he should succor their state; that their affairs were in the
utmost danger, because, whereas single magistrates had been usually appointed in
ancient times and held the power of king for a single year, two persons now
exercised this office, and each asserted that he was appointed according to
their laws. That one of them was Convictolitanis, a powerful and
illustrious youth; the other Cotus, sprung from a most ancient
family, and personally a man of very great influence and extensive connections.
His brother Valetiacus had borne the same office during the last
year: that the whole state was up in arms; the senate divided, the people
divided; that each of them had his own adherents; and that, if the animosity
would be fomented any longer, the result would be that one part of the state
would come to a collision with the other; that it rested with his activity and
influence to prevent it." 33.
Although Caesar considered it ruinous to leave the war
and the enemy, yet, being well aware what great evils generally arise from
internal dissensions, lest a state so powerful and so closely connected with the
Roman people, which he himself had always
fostered and honored in every respect, should have recourse to violence and
arms, and that the party which had less confidence in its own power should
summon aid from Vercingetorix, he determined to anticipate this
movement; and because, by the laws of the Aedui, it was not
permitted those who held the supreme authority to leave the country, he
determined to go in person to the Aedui, lest he should appear to
infringe upon their government and laws, and summoned all the senate, and those
between whom the dispute was, to meet him at Decetia.
When almost all the state had assembled there, and he was informed that one
brother had been declared magistrate by the other, when only a few persons were
privately summoned for the purpose, at a different time and place from what he
ought, whereas the laws not only forbade two belonging to one family to be
elected magistrates while each was alive, but even deterred them from being in
the senate, he compelled Cotus to resign his office; he ordered
Convictolitanis, who had been elected by the priests, according
to the usage of the state, in the presence of the magistrates, to hold the
supreme authority. 34.
Having pronounced this decree between [the contending parties], he exhorted the
Aedui to bury in oblivion their disputes and dissensions, and,
laying aside all these things, devote themselves to the war, and expect from
him, on the conquest of Gaul, those rewards which they
should have earned, and send speedily to him all their cavalry and ten thousand
infantry, which he might place in different garrisons to protect his convoys of
provisions, and then divided his army into two parts: he gave Labienus four legions to lead into the country of the Senones and Parisii ; and led in person six into the country of the
Arverni, in the direction of the town of Gergovia , along the banks of the Allier
. He gave part of the cavalry to Labienus and
kept part to himself. Vercingetorix, on learning this circumstance,
broke down all the bridges over the river and began to march on the other bank
of the Allier
. 35.
When each army was in sight of the other, and was pitching their camp almost
opposite that of the enemy, scouts being distributed in every quarter, lest the
Romans should build a bridge and bring over their
troops; it was to Caesar a matter attended with great
difficulties, lest he should be hindered from passing the river during the
greater part of the summer, as the Allier can not generally be forded before the autumn. Therefore,
that this might not happen, having pitched his camp in a woody place opposite to
one of those bridges which Vercingetorix had taken care should be
broken down, the next day he stopped behind with two legions in a secret place;
he sent on the rest of the forces as usual, with all the baggage, after having
selected some cohorts, that the number of the legions might appear to be
complete. Having ordered these to advance as far as they could, when now, from
the time of day, he conjectured they had come to an encampment, he began to
rebuild the bridge on the same piles, the lower part of which remained entire.
Having quickly finished the work and led his legions across, he selected a fit
place for a camp, and recalled the rest of his troops.
Vercingetorix, on ascertaining this fact, went before him by
forced marches, in order that he might not be compelled to come to an action
against his will. 36.
Caesar, in five days' march, went from that place to
Gergovia , and after engaging in a slight cavalry skirmish that day,
on viewing the situation of the city, which, being built on a very high
mountain, was very difficult of access, he despaired of taking it by storm, and
determined to take no measures with regard to besieging it before he should
secure a supply of provisions. But Vercingetorix, having pitched
his camp on the mountain near the town, placed the forces of each state
separately and at small intervals around himself, and having occupied all the
hills of that range as far as they commanded a view [of the Roman encampment], he presented a formidable appearance; he ordered
the rulers of the states, whom he had selected as his council of war, to come to
him daily at the dawn, whether any measure seemed to require deliberation or
execution. Nor did he allow almost any day to pass without testing in a cavalry
action, the archers being intermixed, what spirit and valor there was in each of
his own men. There was a hill opposite the town, at the very foot of that
mountain, strongly fortified and precipitous on every side (which if our men
could gain, they seemed likely to exclude the enemy from a great share of their
supply of water, and from free foraging; but this place was occupied by them
with a weak garrison): however, Caesar set out from the
camp in the silence of night, and dislodging the garrison before succor could
come from the town, he got possession of the place and posted two legions there,
and drew from the greater camp to the less a double trench twelve feet broad, so
that the soldiers could even singly pass secure from any sudden attack of the
enemy. 37.
While these affairs were going on at Gergovia , Convictolanis, the Aeduan, to
whom we have observed the magistracy was adjudged by Caesar, being bribed by the Arverni, holds a conference
with certain young men, the chief of whom were Litavicus and his
brothers, who were born of a most noble family. He shares the bribe with them,
and exhorts them to "remember that they were free and born for empire; that the
state of the Aedui was the only one which retarded the most certain
victory of the Gauls; that the rest were held in
check by its authority; and, if it was brought over, the Romans would not have room to stand on in Gaul; that he had
received some kindness from Caesar, only so far,
however, as gaining a most just cause by his decision; but that he assigned more
weight to the general freedom; for, why should the Aedui go to
Caesar to decide concerning their rights and laws,
rather than the Romans come to the
Aedui?" The young men being easily won over by the speech of the
magistrate and the bribe, when they declared that they would even be leaders in
the plot, a plan for accomplishing it was considered, because they were
confident their state could not be induced to undertake the war on slight
grounds. It was resolved that Litavicus should have the command of
the ten thousand, which were being sent to Caesar for
the war, and should have charge of them on their march, and that his brothers
should go before him to Caesar. They arrange the other
measures, and the manner in which they should have them done. 38.
Litavicus, having received the command of the army, suddenly
convened the soldiers, when he was about thirty miles distant from Gergovia , and, weeping, said, "Soldiers, whither are we going? All
our knights and all our nobles have perished. Eporedirix and
Viridomarus, the principal men of the state, being accused of
treason, have been slain by the Romans without any
permission to plead their cause. Learn this intelligence from those who have
escaped from the massacre; for I, since my brothers and all my relations have
been slain, am prevented by grief from declaring what has taken place. Persons
are brought forward whom he had instructed in what he would have them say, and
make the same statements to the soldiery as Litavicus had made:
that all the knights of the Aedui were slain because they were said
to have held conferences with the Arverni; that they had concealed
themselves among the multitude of soldiers, and had escaped from the midst of
the slaughter. The Aedui shout aloud and conjure
Litavicus to provide for their safety. As if, said he, it were
a matter of deliberation, and not of necessity, for us to go to Gergovia and unite ourselves to the Arverni. Or have
we any reasons to doubt that the Romans, after
perpetrating the atrocious crime, are now hastening to slay us? Therefore, if
there be any spirit in us, let us avenge the death of those who have perished in
a most unworthy manner, and let us slay these robbers." He points to the Roman citizens, who had accompanied them, in reliance
on his protection. He immediately seizes a great quantity of corn and
provisions, cruelly tortures them, and then puts them to death, sends messengers
throughout the entire state of the Aedui, and rouses them
completely by the same falsehood concerning the slaughter of their knights and
nobles; he earnestly advises them to avenge, in the same manner as he did, the
wrongs, which they had received. 39.
Eporedirix, the Aeduan , a young man born in the
highest rank and possessing very great influence at home, and, along with
Viridomarus, of equal age and influence, but of inferior birth,
whom Caesar had raised from a humble position to the
highest rank, on being recommended to him by Divitiacus, had come
in the number of horse, being summoned by Caesar by
name. These had a dispute with each other for precedence, and in the struggle
between the magistrates they had contended with their utmost efforts, the one
for Convictolitanis, the other for Cotus. Of these
Eporedirix, on learning the design of Litavicus,
lays the matter before Caesar almost at midnight; he
entreats that Caesar should not suffer their state to
swerve from the alliance with the Roman people, owing
to the depraved counsels of a few young men which he foresaw would be the
consequence if so many thousand men should unite themselves to the enemy, as
their relations could not neglect their safety, nor the state regard it as a
matter of slight importance. 40.
Caesar felt great anxiety on this intelligence, because
he had always especially indulged the state of the Aedui, and,
without any hesitation, draws out from the camp four light-armed legions and all
the cavalry: nor had he time, at such a crisis, to contract the camp, because
the affair seemed to depend upon dispatch. He leaves Caius Fabius,
his lieutenant, with two legions to guard the camp. When he ordered the brothers
of Litavicus to be arrested, he discovers that they had fled a
short time before to the camp of the enemy. He encouraged his soldiers "not to
be disheartened by the labor of the journey on such a necessary occasion," and,
after advancing twenty-five miles, all being most eager, he came in sight of the
army of the Aedui, and, by sending on his cavalry, retards and
impedes their march; he then issues strict orders to all his soldiers to kill no
one. He commands Eporedirix and Viridomarus, who they
thought were killed, to move among the cavalry and address their friends. When
they were recognized and the treachery of Litavicus discovered, the
Aedui began to extend their hands to intimate submission, and,
laying down their arms, to deprecate death. Litavicus, with his
clansmen, who after the custom of the Gauls consider
it a crime to desert their patrons, even in extreme misfortune, flees forth to
Gergovia . 41.
Caesar, after sending messengers to the state of the
Aedui, to inform them that they whom he could have put to death
by the right of war were spared through his kindness, and after giving three
hours of the night to his army for his repose, directed his march to Gergovia . Almost in the middle of the journey, a party of horse
that were sent by Fabius stated in how great danger
matters were, they inform him that the camp was attacked by a very powerful
army, while fresh men were frequently relieving the wearied, and exhausting our
soldiers by the incessant toil, since on account of the size of the camp, they
had constantly to remain on the rampart; that many had been wounded by the
immense number of arrows and all kinds of missiles; that the engines were of
great service in withstanding them; that Fabius, at
their departure, leaving only two gates open, was blocking up the rest, and was
adding breast-works to the ramparts, and was preparing himself for a similar
casualty on the following day. Caesar, after receiving
this information, reached the camp before sunrise owing to the very great zeal
of his soldiers. 42.
While these things are going on at Gergovia , the Aedui, on receiving the first
announcements from Litavicus, leave themselves no time to ascertain
the truth of those statements. Some are stimulated by avarice, others by revenge
and credulity, which is an innate propensity in that race of men to such a
degree that they consider a slight rumor as an ascertained fact. They plunder
the property of the Roman citizens, and either
massacre them or drag them away to slavery. Convictolitanis
increases the evil state of affairs, and goads on the people to fury, that by
the commission of some outrage they may be ashamed to return to propriety. They
entice from the town of Cabillonus, by a promise of safety,
Marcus Aristius, a military tribune, who was on his march to
his legion; they compel those who had settled there for the purpose of trading
to do the same. By constantly attacking them on their march they strip them of
all their baggage; they besiege day and night those that resisted; when many
were slain on both sides, they excite a great number to arms. 43.
In the mean time, when intelligence was brought that all their soldiers were in
Caesar's power, they run in a body to
Aristius; they assure him that nothing had been done by public
authority; they order an inquiry to be made about the plundered property; they
confiscate the property of Litavicus and his brothers; they send
embassadors to Caesar for the purpose of clearing
themselves. They do all this with a view to recover their soldiers; but being
contaminated by guilt, and charmed by the gains arising from the plundered
property, as that act was shared in by many, and being tempted by the fear of
punishment, they began to form plans of war and stir up the other states by
embassies. Although Caesar was aware of this
proceeding, yet he addresses the embassadors with as much mildness as he can:
"That he did not think worse of the state on account of the ignorance and
fickleness of the mob, nor would diminish his regard for the
Aedui." He himself, fearing a greater commotion in Gaul, in order to prevent his being surrounded by all the states,
began to form plans as to the manner in which he should return from Gergovia and again concentrate his forces, lest a departure arising
from the fear of a revolt should seem like a flight. 44.
While he was considering these things an opportunity of acting successfully
seemed to offer. For, when he had come into the smaller camp for the purpose of
securing the works, he noticed that the hill in the possession of the enemy was
stripped of men, although, on the former days, it could scarcely be seen on
account of the numbers on it. Being astonished, he inquires the reason of it
from the deserters, a great number of whom flocked to him daily. They all
concurred in asserting, what Caesar himself had already
ascertained by his scouts, that the back of that hill was almost level; but
likewise woody and narrow, by which there was a pass to the other side of the
town; that they had serious apprehensions for this place, and had no other idea,
on the occupation of one hill by the Romans, than
that, if they should lose the other, they would be almost surrounded, and cut
off from all egress and foraging; that they were all summoned by
Vercingetorix to fortify this place. 45.
Caesar, on being informed of this circumstance, sends
several troops of horse to the place immediately after midnight; he orders them
to range in every quarter with more tumult than usual. At dawn he orders a large
quantity of baggage to be drawn out of the camp, and the muleteers with helmets,
in the appearance and guise of horsemen, to ride round the hills. To these he
adds a few cavalry, with instructions to range more widely to make a show. He
orders them all to seek the same quarter by a long circuit; these proceedings
were seen at a distance from the town, as Gergovia commanded a view of the camp, nor could the Gauls ascertain at so great a distance, what certainty
there was in the maneuver. He sends one legion to the same hill, and after it
had marched a little, stations it in the lower ground, and congeals it in the
woods. The suspicion of the Gauls are increased, and
all their forces are marched to that place to defend it. Caesar, having perceived the camp of the enemy deserted, covers the
military insignia of his men, conceals the standards, and transfers his soldiers
in small bodies from the greater to the less camp, and points out to the
lieutenants whom he had placed in command over the respective legions, what he
should wish to be done; he particularly advises them to restrain their men from
advancing too far, through their desire of fighting, or their hope of plunder,
he sets before them what disadvantages the unfavorable nature of the ground
carries with it; that they could be assisted by dispatch alone: that success
depended on a surprise, and not on a battle. After stating these particulars, he
gives the signal for action, and detaches the Aedui at the same
time by another ascent on the right. 46.
The town wall was 1200 paces distant from the plain and
foot of the ascent, in a straight line, if no gap intervened; whatever circuit
was added to this ascent, to make the hill easy, increased the length of the
route. But almost in the middle of the hill, the Gauls had previously built a wall six feet high, made of large
stones, and extending in length as far as the nature of the ground permitted, as
a barrier to retard the advance of our men; and leaving all the lower space
empty, they had filled the upper part of the hill, as far as the wall of the
town, with their camps very close to one another. The soldiers, on the signal
being given, quickly advance to this fortification, and passing over it, make
themselves masters of the separate camps. And so great was their activity in
taking the camps, that Teutomarus, the king of the
Nitiobriges, being suddenly surprised in his tent, as he had
gone to rest at noon, with difficulty escaped from the hands of the plunderers,
with the upper part of his person naked, and his horse wounded. 47.
Caesar, having accomplished the object which he had in
view, ordered the signal to be sounded for a retreat; and the soldiers of the
tenth legion, by which he was then accompanied, halted. But the soldiers of the
other legions, not hearing the sound of the trumpet, because there was a very
large valley between them, were however kept back by the tribunes of the
soldiers and the lieutenants, according to Caesar's
orders; but being animated by the prospect of speedy victory, and the flight of
the enemy, and the favorable battles of former periods, they thought nothing so
difficult that their bravery could not accomplish it; nor did they put an end to
the pursuit, until they drew nigh to the wall of the town and the gates. But
then, when a shout arose in every quarter of the city, those who were at a
distance being alarmed by the sudden tumult, fled hastily from the town, since
they thought that the enemy were within the gates. The matrons begin to cast
their clothes and silver over the wall, and bending over as far as the lower
part of the bosom, with outstretched hands beseech the Romans to spare them, and not to sacrifice to their resentment even
women and children, as they had done at Avaricum . Some of them let themselves down from the walls by their
hands, and surrendered to our soldiers. Lucius Fabius a centurion
of the eighth legion, who, it was ascertained, had said that day among his
fellow soldiers that he was excited by the plunder of Avaricum , and would not allow any one to mount the wall before him,
finding three men of his own company, and being raised up by them, scaled the
wall. He himself, in turn, taking hold of them one by one drew them up to the
wall. 48.
In the mean time those who had gone to the other part of the town to defend it,
as we have mentioned above, at first, aroused by hearing the shouts, and,
afterward, by frequent accounts, that the town was in possession of the Romans, sent forward their cavalry, and hastened in
larger numbers to that quarter. As each first came he stood beneath the wall,
and increased the number of his countrymen engaged in action. When a great
multitude of them had assembled, the matrons, who a little before were
stretching their hands from the walls to the Romans,
began to beseech their countrymen, and after the Gallic fashion to
show their disheveled hair, and bring their children into public view. Neither
in position nor in numbers was the contest an equal one to the Romans; at the same time, being exhausted by running
and the long continuation of the fight, they could not easily withstand fresh
and vigorous troops. 49.
Caesar, when he perceived that his soldiers were
fighting on unfavorable ground, and that the enemy's forces were increasing,
being alarmed for the safety of his troops, sent orders to Titus
Sextius, one of his lieutenants, whom he had left to guard the
smaller camp, to lead out his cohorts quickly from the camp, and post them at
the foot of the hill, on the right wing of the enemy; that if he should see our
men driven from the ground, he should deter the enemy from following too
closely. He himself, advancing with the legion a little from that place where he
had taken his post, awaited the issue of the battle. 50.
While the fight was going on most vigorously, hand to hand, and the enemy
depended on their position and numbers, our men on their bravery, the
Aedui suddenly appeared on our exposed flank, as Caesar had sent them by another ascent on the right, for
the sake of creating a diversion. These, from the similarity of their arms,
greatly terrified our men; and although they were discovered to have their right
shoulders bare, which was usually the sign of those reduced to peace, yet the
soldiers suspected that this very thing was done by the enemy to deceive them.
At the same time Lucius Fabius the centurion, and those who had
scaled the wall with him, being surrounded and slain, were cast from the wall.
Marcus Petreius, a centurion of the same legion, after
attempting to hew down the gates, was overpowered by numbers, and, despairing of
his safety, having already received many wounds, said to the soldiers of his own
company who followed him: "Since I can not save you as well as myself, I shall
at least provide for your safety, since I, allured by the love of glory, led you
into this danger, do you save yourselves when an opportunity is given." At the
same time he rushed into the midst of the enemy, and slaying two of them, drove
back the rest a little from the gate. When his men attempted to aid him, "In
vain," he says, "you endeavor to procure me safety, since blood and strength are
now failing me, therefore leave this, while you have the opportunity, and
retreat to the legion." Thus he fell fighting a few moments after, and saved his
men by his own death. 51.
Our soldiers, being hard pressed on every side, were dislodged from their
position, with the loss of forty-six centurions; but the tenth legion, which had
been posted in reserve on ground a little more level, checked the Gauls in their eager pursuit. It was supported by the
cohorts of the thirteenth legion, which, being led from the smaller camp, had,
under the command of Titus Sextius, occupied the higher ground. The
legions, as soon as they reached the plain, halted and faced the enemy.
Vercingetorix led back his men from the part of the hill within
the fortifications. On that day little less than seven hundred of the soldiers
were missing. 52.
On the next day, Caesar, having called a meeting,
censured the rashness and avarice of his soldiers, "In that they had judged for
themselves how far they ought to proceed, or what they ought to do, and could
not be kept back by the tribunes of the soldiers and the lieutenants;" and
stated, "what the disadvantage of the ground could effect, what opinion he
himself had entertained at Avaricum , when having surprised the enemy without either general or
cavalry, he had given up a certain victory, lest even a trifling loss should
occur in the contest owing to the disadvantage of position. That as much as he
admired the greatness of their courage, since neither the fortifications of the
camp, nor the height of the mountain, nor the wall of the town could retard
them; in the same degree he censured their licentiousness and arrogance, because
they thought that they knew more than their general concerning victory, and the
issue of actions: and that he required in his soldiers forbearance and
self-command, not less than valor and magnanimity." 53.
Having held this assembly, and having encouraged the soldiers at the conclusion
of his speech, "That they should not be dispirited on this account, nor
attribute to the valor of the enemy, what the disadvantage of position had
caused;" entertaining the same views of his departure that he had previously
had, he led forth the legions from the camp, and drew up his army in order of
battle in a suitable place. When Vercingetorix, nevertheless, would
not descend to the level ground, a slight cavalry action, and that a successful
one, having taken place, he led back his army into the camp. When he had done
this, the next day, thinking that he had done enough to lower the pride of the
Gauls, and to encourage the minds of his
soldiers, he moved his camp in the direction of the Aedui. The
enemy not even then pursuing us, on the third day he repaired the bridge over
the river Allier, and led over his whole army. 54.
Having then held an interview with Viridomarus and
Eporedirix the Aeduans, he learns that
Litavicus had set out with all the cavalry to raise the
Aedui; that it was necessary that they too should go before him
to confirm the state in their allegiance. Although he now saw distinctly the
treachery of the Aedui in many things, and was of opinion that the
revolt of the entire state would be hastened by their departure; yet he thought
that they should not be detained, lest he should appear either to offer an
insult, or betray some suspicion of fear. He briefly states to them when
departing his services toward the Aedui: in what a state and how
humbled he had found them, driven into their towns, deprived of their lands,
stripped of all their forces, a tribute imposed on them, and hostages wrested
from them with the utmost insult; and to what condition and to what greatness he
had raised them, [so much so] that they had not only recovered their former
position, but seemed to surpass the dignity and influence of all the previous
eras of their history. After giving these admonitions he dismissed them.
55.
Noviodunum was a town of the Aedui, advantageously
situated on the banks of the Loire . Caesar had conveyed hither all the hostages of Gaul, the corn, public money, a great part of his own baggage and
that of his army; he had sent hither a great number of horses, which he had
purchased in Italy and Spain on account of this war. When Eporedirix and
Viridomarus came to this place, and received information of the
disposition of the state, that Litavicus had been admitted by the
Aedui into Bibracte , which is a town of the greatest importance among them,
that Convictolitanis the chief magistrate and a great part of the
senate had gone to meet him, that embassadors had been publicly sent to
Vercingetorix to negotiate a peace and alliance; they thought
that so great an opportunity ought not to be neglected. Therefore, having put to
the sword the garrison of Noviodunum , and those who had assembled there for the purpose of
trading or were on their march, they divided the money and horses among
themselves; they took care that the hostages of the [different] states should be
brought to Bibracte , to the chief magistrate; they burned the town to prevent
its being of any service to the Romans, as they were
of opinion that they could not hold it; they carried away in their vessels
whatever corn they could in the hurry, they destroyed the remainder, by
[throwing it] into the river or setting it on fire, they themselves began to
collect forces from the neighboring country, to place guards and garrisons in
different positions along the banks of the Loire , and to display the
cavalry on all sides to strike terror into the Romans, [to try] if they could cut them off from a supply of provisions.
In which expectation they were much aided, from the circumstance that the Loire
had swollen to such a degree from the melting of the snows, that it did
not seem capable of being forded at all. 56.
Caesar on being informed of these movements was of
opinion that he ought to make haste, even if he should run some risk in
completing the bridges, in order that he might engage before greater forces of
the enemy should be collected in that place. For no one even then considered it
an absolutely necessary act, that changing his design he should direct his march
into the Province, both because the infamy and disgrace of the thing, and the
intervening mount Cevennes
, and the difficulty of the roads prevented him; and especially because
he had serious apprehensions for the safety of Labienus
whom he had detached, and those legions whom he had sent with him. Therefore,
having made very long marches by day and night, he came to the river Loire
, contrary to the expectation of all; and having by means of the cavalry,
found out a ford, suitable enough considering the emergency, of such depth that
their arms and shoulders could be above water for supporting their
accoutrements, he dispersed his cavalry in such a manner as to break the force
of the current, and having confounded the enemy at the first sight, led his army
across the river in safety; and finding corn and cattle in the fields, after
refreshing his army with them, he determined to march into the country of the
Senones . 57.
While these things are being done by Caesar, Labienus, leaving at Agendicum
the recruits who had lately arrived from Italy, to guard the
baggage, marches with four legions to Lutetia (which is a town of the Parisii , situated on an island on the river Seine
), whose arrival being discovered by the enemy, numerous forces arrived
from the neighboring states. The supreme command is intrusted to
Camalugenus one of the Aulerci, who, although
almost worn out with age, was called to that honor on account of his
extraordinary knowledge of military tactics. He, when he observed that there was
a large marsh which communicated with the Seine , and
rendered all that country impassable, encamped there, and determined to prevent
our troops from passing it. 58.
Labienus at first attempted to raise
Vineae, fill up the marsh with hurdles and clay, and secure a road.
After he perceived that this was too difficult to accomplish, he issued in
silence from his camp at the third watch, and reached Melodunum by the same route by which he came. This is a town of the
Senones , situated on an island in the Seine
, as we have just before observed of Lutetia . Having seized upon about fifty ships and quickly joined
them together, and having placed soldiers in them, he intimidated by his
unexpected arrival the inhabitants, of whom a great number had been called out
to the war, and obtains possession of the town without a contest. Having
repaired the bridge, which the enemy had broken down during the preceding days,
he led over his army, and began to march along the banks of the river to Lutetia . The enemy, on learning the circumstance from those who had
escaped from Melodunum , set fire to Lutetia , and order the bridges of that town to be broken down: they
themselves set out from the marsh, and take their position on the banks of the
Seine , over
against Lutetia and opposite the camp of Labienus.
59.
Caesar was now reported to have departed from Gergovia ; intelligence was likewise brought to them concerning the
revolt of the Aedui, and a successful rising in Gaul; and that Caesar, having been
prevented from prosecuting his journey and crossing the Loire , and
having been compelled by the want of corn, had marched hastily to the province.
But the Bellovaci, who had been previously disaffected of
themselves, on learning the revolt of the Aedui, began to assemble
forces and openly to prepare for war. Then Labienus, as
the change in affairs was so great, thought that he must adopt a very different
system from what he had previously intended, and he did not now think of making
any new acquisitions, or of provoking the enemy to an action; but that he might
bring back his army safe to Agendicum. For, on one side, the
Bellovaci, a state which held the highest reputation for
prowess in Gaul, were pressing on him; and
Camulogenus, with a disciplined and well-equipped army, held
the other side; moreover, a very great river separated and cut off the legions
from the garrison and baggage. He saw that, in consequence of such great
difficulties being thrown in his way, he must seek aid from his own energy of
disposition. 60.
Having, therefore, called a council of war a little before evening, he exhorted
his soldiers to execute with diligence and energy such commands as he should
give; he assigns the ships which he had brought from Melodunum to Roman knights, one to each,
and orders them to fall down the river silently for four miles, at the end of
the fourth watch, and there wait for him. He leaves the five cohorts, which he
considered to be the most steady in action, to guard the camp; he orders the
five remaining cohorts of the same legion to proceed a little after midnight up
the river with all their baggage, in a great tumult. He collects also some small
boats; and sends them in the same direction, with orders to make a loud noise in
rowing. He himself, a little after, marched out in silence, and, at the head of
three legions, seeks that place to which he had ordered the ships to be brought.
61.
When he had arrived there, the enemy's scouts, as they were stationed along every
part of the river, not expecting an attack, because a great storm had suddenly
arisen, were surprised by our soldiers: the infantry and cavalry are quickly
transported, under the superintendence of the Roman
knights, whom he had appointed to that office. Almost at the same time, a little
before daylight, intelligence was given to the enemy that there was an unusual
tumult in the camp of the Romans, and that a strong
force was marching up the river, and that the sound of oars was distinctly heard
in the same quarter, and that soldiers were being conveyed across in ships a
little below. On hearing these things, because they were of opinion that the
legions were passing in three different places, and that the entire army, being
terrified by the revolt of the Aedui, were preparing for flight,
they divided their forces also into three divisions. For leaving a guard
opposite to the camp and sending a small body in the direction of
Metiosedum, with orders to advance as far as the ships would
proceed, they led the rest of their troops against Labienus. 62.
By day-break all our soldiers were brought across, and the army of the enemy was
in sight. Labienus, having encouraged his soldiers "to
retain the memory of their ancient valor, and so many most successful actions,
and imagine Caesar himself, under whose command they
had so often routed the enemy, to be present," gives the signal for action. At
the first onset the enemy are beaten and put to flight in the right wing, where
the seventh legion stood: on the left wing, which position the twelfth legion
held, although the first ranks fell transfixed by the javelins of the Romans, yet the rest resisted most bravely; nor did any
one of them show the slightest intention of flying. Camulogenus,
the general of the enemy, was present and encouraged his troops. But when the
issue of the victory was still uncertain, and the circumstances which were
taking place on the left wing were announced to the tribunes of the seventh
legion, they faced about their legion to the enemy's rear and attacked it: not
even then did any one retreat, but all were surrounded and slain.
Camulogenus met the same fate. But those who were left as a
guard opposite the camp of Labienus, when they heard
that the battle was commenced, marched to aid their countrymen and take
possession of a hill, but were unable to withstand the attack of the victorious
soldiers. In this manner, mixed with their own fugitives, such as the woods and
mountains did not shelter were cut to pieces by our cavalry. When this battle
was finished, Labienus returns to
Agendicum, where the baggage of the whole army had been left:
from it he marched with all his forces to Caesar.
63.
The revolt of the Aedui being known, the war grows more dangerous.
Embassies are sent by them in all directions: as far as they can prevail by
influence, authority, or money, they strive to excite the state [to revolt].
Having got possession of the hostages whom Caesar had
deposited with them, they terrify the hesitating by putting them to death. The
Aedui request Vercingetorix to come to them and
communicate his plans of conducting the war. On obtaining this request they
insist that the chief command should be assigned to them; and when the affair
became a disputed question, a council of all Gaul is summoned to
Bibracte . They came together in great numbers and from every
quarter to the same place. The decision is left to the votes of the mass; all to
a man approve of Vercingetorix as their general. The Remi , Lingones , and Treviri were absent from this meeting; the two former because they
attached themselves to the alliance of Rome ; the Treviri because they were very remote and were hard pressed by the
Germans; which was also the reason of their being
absent during the whole war, and their sending auxiliaries to neither party. The
Aedui are highly indignant at being deprived of the chief
command; they lament the change of fortune, and miss Caesar's indulgence toward them; however, after engaging in the war,
they do not dare to pursue their own measures apart from the rest.
Eporedirix and Viridomarus, youths of the greatest
promise, submit reluctantly to Vercingetorix. 64.
The latter demands hostages from the remaining states; nay, more, appointed a day
for this proceeding; he orders all the cavalry, fifteen thousand in number, to
quickly assemble here; he says that he will be content with the infantry which
he had before, and would not tempt fortune nor come to a regular engagement; but
since he had abundance of cavalry, it would be very easy for him to prevent the
Romans from obtaining forage or corn, provided
that they themselves should resolutely destroy their corn and set fire to their
houses; by which sacrifice of private property they would evidently obtain
perpetual dominion and freedom. After arranging these matters, he levies ten
thousand infantry on the Aedui and Segusiani, who
border on our province: to these he adds eight hundred horse. He sets over them
the brother of Eporedirix, and orders him to wage war against the
Allobroges. On the other side he sends the Gabali
and the nearest cantons of the Arverni against the
Helvii; he likewise sends the Ruteni and
Cadurci to lay waste the territories of the Volcae
Arecomici. Besides, by secret messages and embassies, he tampers with
the Allobroges, whose minds, he hopes, had not yet settled down
after the excitement of the late war. To their nobles he promises money, and to
their state the dominion of the whole province. 65.
The only guards provided against all these contingencies were twenty-two cohorts,
which were collected from the entire province by Lucius Caesar, the
lieutenant, and opposed to the enemy in every quarter. The Helvii,
voluntarily engaging in battle with their neighbors, are defeated, and
Caius Valerius Donotaurus, the son of Caburus, the principal man of the state, and several others, being
slain, they are forced to retire within their towns and fortifications. The
Allobroges, placing guards along the course of the Rhine
, defend their frontiers with great vigilance and energy. Caesar, as he perceived that the enemy were superior in
cavalry, and he himself could receive no aid from the Province or Italy, while all communication was cut off, sends across the Rhine
into Germany to those
states which he had subdued in the preceding campaigns, and summons from them
cavalry and the light-armed infantry, who were accustomed to engage among them.
On their arrival, as they were mounted on unserviceable horses, he takes horses
from the military tribunes and the rest, nay, even from the Roman knights and veterans, and distributes them among the Germans. 66.
In the mean time, whilst these things are going on, the forces of the enemy from
the Arverni, and the cavalry which had been demanded from all Gaul, meet together. A great number of these having been collected,
when Caesar was marching into the country of the
Sequani, through the confines of the Lingones , in order that he might the more easily render aid to the
province, Vercingetorix encamped in three camps, about ten miles
from the Romans: and having summoned the commanders
of the cavalry to a council, he shows that the time of victory was come; that
the Romans were fleeing into the Province and leaving
Gaul; that this was sufficient for obtaining immediate freedom; but
was of little moment in acquiring peace and tranquillity for the future; for the
Romans would return after assembling greater
forces and would not put an end to the war. Therefore they should attack them on
their march, when encumbered. If the infantry should [be obliged to] relieve
their cavalry, and be retarded by doing so, the march could not be accomplished:
if, abandoning their baggage they should provide for their safety (a result
which, he trusted, was more like to ensue), they would lose both property and
character. For as to the enemy's horse, they ought not to entertain a doubt that
none of them would dare to advance beyond the main body. In order that they [the
Gauls] may do so with greater spirit, he would marshal all
their forces before the camp, and intimidate the enemy. The cavalry unanimously
shout out, "That they ought to bind themselves by a most sacred oath, that he
should not be received under a roof, nor have access to his children, parents,
or wife, who shall not twice have ridden through the enemy's army." 67.
This proposal receiving general approbation, and all being forced to take the
oath, on the next day the cavalry were divided into three parts, and two of
these divisions made a demonstration on our two flanks; while one in front began
to obstruct our march. On this circumstance being announced, Caesar orders his cavalry also to form three divisions and charge
the enemy. Then the action commences simultaneously in every part: the main body
halts; the baggage is received within the ranks of the legions. If our men
seemed to be distressed, or hard pressed in any quarter, Caesar usually ordered the troops to advance, and the army to wheel
round in that quarter; which conduct retarded the enemy in the pursuit, and
encouraged our men by the hope of support. At length the Germans, on the right wing, having gained the top of the hill,
dislodge the enemy from their position and pursue them even as far as the river
at which Vercingetorix with the infantry was stationed, and slay
several of them. The rest, on observing this action, fearing lest they should be
surrounded, betake themselves to flight. A slaughter ensues in every direction,
and three of the noblest of the Aedui are taken and brought to
Caesar: Cotus, the commander of the
cavalry, who had been engaged in the contest with Convictolitanis
the last election, Cavarillus, who had held the command of the
infantry after the revolt of Litavicus, and
Eporedirix, under whose command the Aedui had engaged
in war against the Sequani, before the arrival of Caesar. 68.
All his cavalry being routed, Vercingetorix led back his troops in
the same order as he had arranged them before the camp, and immediately began to
march to Alesia , which is a town of the Mandubii, and ordered
the baggage to be speedily brought forth from the camp, and follow him closely.
Caesar, having conveyed his baggage to the nearest
hill, and having left two legions to guard it, pursued as far as the time of day
would permit, and after slaying about three thousand of the rear of the enemy,
encamped at Alesia on the next day. On reconnoitering the situation of the
city, finding that the enemy were panic-stricken, because the cavalry in which
they placed their chief reliance, were beaten, he encouraged his men to endure
the toil, and began to draw a line of circumvallation round Alesia . 69.
The town itself was situated on the top of a hill, in a very lofty position, so
that it did not appear likely to be taken, except by a regular siege. Two
rivers, on two different sides, washed the foot of the hill. Before the town lay
a plain of about three miles in length; on every other side hills at a moderate
distance, and of an equal degree of height, surrounded the town. The army of the
Gauls had filled all the space under the wall,
comprising a part of the hill which looked to the rising sun, and had drawn in
front a trench and a stone wall six feet high. The circuit of that
fortification, which was commenced by the Romans,
comprised eleven miles. The camp was pitched in a strong position, and
twenty-three redoubts were raised in it, in which sentinels were placed by day,
lest any sally should be made suddenly; and by night the same were occupied by
watches and strong guards. 70.
The work having been begun, a cavalry action ensues in that plain, which we have
already described as broken by hills, and extending three miles in length. The
contest is maintained on both sides with the utmost vigor; Caesar sends the Germans to aid our
troops when distressed, and draws up the legions in front of the camp, lest any
sally should be suddenly made by the enemy's infantry. The courage of our men is
increased by the additional support of the legions; the enemy being put to
flight, hinder one another by their numbers, and as only the narrower gates were
left open, are crowded together in them; then the Germans pursue them with vigor even to the fortifications. A great
slaughter ensues; some leave their horses, and endeavor to cross the ditch and
climb the wall. Caesar orders the legions which he had
drawn up in front of the rampart to advance a little. The Gauls,
who were within the fortifications, were no less panic-stricken, thinking that
the enemy were coming that moment against them, and unanimously shout "to arms;"
some in their alarm rush into the town; Vercingetorix orders the
gates to be shut, lest the camp should be left undefended. The Germans retreat, after slaying many and taking several
horses. 71.
Vercingetorix adopts the design of sending away all his cavalry by
night, before the fortifications should be completed by the Romans. He charges them when departing "that each of them should go
to his respective state, and press for the war all who were old enough to bear
arms; he states his own merits, and conjures them to consider his safety, and
not surrender him who had deserved so well of the general freedom, to the enemy
for torture; he points out to them that, if they should be remiss, eighty
thousand chosen men would perish with him; that upon making a calculation, he
had barely corn for thirty days, but could hold out a little longer by economy."
After giving these instructions he silently dismisses the cavalry in the second
watch, [on that side] where our works were not completed; he orders all the corn
to be brought to himself; he ordains capital punishment to such as should not
obey; he distributes among them, man by man, the cattle, great quantities of
which had been driven there by the Mandubii; he began to measure
out the corn sparingly, and by little and little; he receives into the town all
the forces which he had posted in front of it. In this manner he prepares to
await the succors from Gaul, and carry on the war.
72.
Caesar, on learning these proceedings from the deserters
and captives, adopted the following system of fortification; he dug a trench
twenty feet deep, with perpendicular sides, in such a manner that the base of
this trench should extend so far as the edges were apart at the top. He raised
all his other works at a distance of four hundred feet from that ditch; [he did]
that with this intention, lest (since he necessarily embraced so extensive an
area, and the whole works could not be easily surrounded by a line of soldiers)
a large number of the enemy should suddenly, or by night, sally against the
fortifications; or lest they should by day cast weapons against our men while
occupied with the works. Having left this interval, he drew two trenches fifteen
feet broad, and of the same depth; the innermost of them, being in low and level
ground, he filled with water conveyed from the river. Behind these he raised a
rampart and wall twelve feet high; to this he added a parapet and battlements,
with large stakes cut like stags' horns, projecting from the junction of the
parapet and battlements, to prevent the enemy from scaling it, and surrounded
the entire work with turrets, which were eighty feet distant from one another.
73.
It was necessary, at one and the same time, to procure timber [for the rampart],
lay in supplies of corn, and raise also extensive fortifications, and the
available troops were in consequence of this reduced in number, since they used
to advance to some distance from the camp, and sometimes the Gauls endeavored to attack our works, and to make a sally from the
town by several gates and in great force. Caesar
thought that further additions should be made to these works, in order that the
fortifications might be defensible by a small number of soldiers. Having,
therefore, cut down the trunks of trees or very thick branches, and having
stripped their tops of the bark, and sharpened them into a point, he drew a
continued trench every where five feet deep. These stakes being sunk into this
trench, and fastened firmly at the bottom, to prevent the possibility of their
being torn up, had their branches only projecting from the ground. There were
five rows in connection with, and intersecting each other; and whoever entered
within them were likely to impale themselves on very sharp stakes. The soldiers
called these "cippi." Before these, which were arranged in oblique rows in the
form of a quincunx, pits three feet deep were dug, which gradually diminished in
depth to the bottom. In these pits tapering stakes, of the thickness of a man's
thigh; sharpened at the top and hardened in the fire, were sunk in such a manner
as to project from the ground not more than four inches; at the same time for
the purpose of giving them strength and stability, they were each filled with
trampled clay to the height of one foot from the bottom: the rest of the pit was
covered over with osiers and twigs, to conceal the deceit. Eight rows of this
kind were dug, and were three feet distant from each other. They called this a
lily from its resemblance to that flower. Stakes a foot long, with iron hooks
attached to them, were entirely sunk in the ground before these, and were
planted in every place at small intervals; these they called spurs. 74.
After completing these works, saving selected as level ground as he could,
considering the nature of the country, and having inclosed an area of fourteen
miles, he constructed, against an external enemy, fortifications of the same
kind in every respect, and separate from these, so that the guards of the
fortifications could not be surrounded even by immense numbers, if such a
circumstance should take place owing to the departure of the enemy's cavalry;
and in order that the Roman soldiers might not be
compelled to go out of the camp with great risk, ho orders all to provide forage
and corn for thirty days. 75.
While those things are carried on at Alesia , the Gauls, having convened a
council of their chief nobility, determine that all who could bear arms should
not be called out, which was the opinion of Vercingetorix, but that
a fixed number should be levied from each state; lest, when so great a multitude
assembled together, they could neither govern nor distinguish their men, nor
have the means of supplying them with corn. They demand thirty-five thousand men
from the Aedui and their dependents, the Segusiani,
Ambivareti, and Aulerci Brannovices; an equal
number from the Arverni in conjunction with the Eleuteti
Cadurci, Gabali, and Velauni, who were
accustomed to be under the command of the Arverni; twelve thousand
each from the Senones , Sequani, Bituriges,
Sentones, Ruteni, and Carnutes; ten
thousand from the Bellovaci; the same number from the
Lemovici; eight thousand each from the Pictones,
and Turoni , and Parisii , and Helvii; five thousand each from the
Suessiones, Ambiani, Mediomatrici,
Petrocorii, Nervii, Morini, and
Nitiobriges; the same number from the Aulerci
Cenomani; four thousand from the Atrebates; three
thousand each from the Bellocassi, Lexovii, and
Aulerci Eburovices; thirty thousand from the
Rauraci, and Boii; six thousand from all the
states together, which border on the Atlantic, and which in their
dialect are called Armoricae (in which number are comprehended the
Curisolites, Rhedones, Ambibari,
Caltes, Osismii, Lemovices , Veneti, and Unelli). Of these
the Bellovaci did not contribute their number, as they said that
they would wage war against the Romans on their own
account, and at their own discretion, and would not obey the order of any one:
however, at the request of Commius, they sent two thousand, in
consideration of a tie of hospitality which subsisted between him and them.
76.
Caesar had, as we have previously narrated, availed
himself of the faithful and valuable services of this Commius, in
Britain, in
former years: in consideration of which merits he had exempted from taxes his
[Commius's] state, and had conferred on Commius
himself the country of the Morini. Yet such was the unanimity of
the Gauls in asserting their freedom, and recovering
their ancient renown in war, that they were influenced neither by favors, nor by
the recollection of private friendship; and all earnestly directed their
energies and resources to that war, and collected eight thousand cavalry, and
about two hundred and forty thousand infantry. These were reviewed in the
country of the Aedui, and a calculation was made of their numbers:
commanders were appointed: the supreme command is intrusted to
Commius the Atrebatian, Viridomarus
and Eporedirix the Aeduans, and
Vergasillaunus the Arvernan, the cousin-german of
Vercingetorix. To them are assigned men selected from each
state, by whose advice the war should be conducted. All march to Alesia , sanguine and full of confidence: nor was there a single
individual who imagined that the Romans could
withstand the sight of such an immense host: especially in an action carried on
both in front and rear, when [on the inside] the besieged would sally from the
town and attack the enemy, and on the outside so great forces of cavalry and
infantry would be seen. 77.
But those who were blockaded at Alesia , the day being past, on which they had expected auxiliaries
from their countrymen, and all their corn being consumed ignorant of what was
going on among the Aedui, convened an assembly and deliberated on
the exigency of their situation. After various opinions had been expressed among
them, some of which proposed a surrender, others a sally, while their strength
would support it, the speech of Critognatus ought not to be omitted
for its singular and detestable cruelty. He sprung from the noblest family among
the Arverni, and possessing great influence, says, "I shall pay no
attention to the opinion of those who call a most disgraceful surrender by the
name of a capitulation; nor do I think that they ought to be considered as
citizens, or summoned to the council. My business is with those who approve of a
sally: in whose advice the memory of our ancient prowess seems to dwell in the
opinion of you all. To be unable to bear privation for a short time is
disgraceful cowardice, not true valor. Those who voluntarily offer themselves to
death are more easily found than those who would calmly endure distress. And I
would approve of this opinion (for honor is a powerful motive with me), could I
foresee no other loss, save that of life; but let us, in adopting our design,
look back on all Gaul, which we have stirred up
to our aid. What courage do you think would our relatives and friends have, if
eighty thousand men were butchered in one spot, supposing that they should be
forced to come to an action almost over our corpses? Do not utterly deprive them
of your aid, for they have spurned all thoughts of personal danger on account of
your safety; nor by your folly, rashness, and cowardice, crush all Gaul and doom it to an eternal slavery. Do you doubt their fidelity
and firmness because they have not come at the appointed day? What then? Do you
suppose that the Romans are employed every day in the
outer fortifications for mere amusement? If you can not be assured by their
dispatches, since every avenue is blocked up, take the Romans as evidence that there approach is drawing near; since they,
intimidated by alarm at this, labor night and day at their works. What,
therefore, is my design? To do as our ancestors did in the war against the
Cimbri and Teutones, which was by no means equally
momentous who, when driven into their towns, and oppressed by similar
privations, supported life by the corpses of those who appeared useless for war
on account of their age, and did not surrender to the enemy: and even if we had
not a precedent for such cruel conduct, still I should consider it most glorious
that one should be established, and delivered to posterity. For in what was that
war like this? The Cimbri, after laying Gaul waste, and
inflicting great calamities, at length departed from our country, and sought
other lands; they left us our rights, laws, lands, and liberty. But what other
motive or wish have the Romans, than, induced by
envy, to settle in the lands and states of those whom they have learned by fame
to be noble and powerful in war, and impose on them perpetual slavery? For they
never have carried on wars on any other terms. But if you know not these things
which are going on in distant countries, look to the neighboring Gaul, which being reduced to the form of a province, stripped of its
rights and laws, and subjected to Roman despotism, is
oppressed by perpetual slavery." 78.
When different opinions were expressed, they determined that those who, owing to
age or ill health, were unserviceable for war, should depart from the town, and
that themselves should try every expedient before they had recourse to the
advice of Critognatus: however, that they would rather adopt that
design, if circumstances should compel them and their allies should delay, than
accept any terms of a surrender or peace. The Mandubii, who had
admitted them into the town, are compelled to go forth with their wives and
children. When these came to the Roman
fortifications, weeping, they begged of the soldiers by every entreaty to
receive them as slaves and relieve them with food. But Caesar, placing guards on the rampart, forbade them to be admitted.
79.
In the mean time, Commius and the rest of the leaders, to whom the
supreme command had been intrusted, came with all their forces to Alesia , and having occupied the entire hill, encamped not more than
a mile from our fortifications. The following day, having led forth their
cavalry from the camp, they fill all that plain, which, we have related,
extended three miles in length, and drew out their infantry a little from that
place, and post them on the higher ground. The town Alesia commanded a view of the whole plain. The besieged run
together when these auxiliaries were seen; mutual congratulations ensue, and the
minds of all are elated with joy. Accordingly, drawing out their troops, they
encamp before the town, and cover the nearest trench with hurdles and fill it up
with earth, and make ready for a sally and every casualty. 80.
Caesar, having stationed his army on both sides of the
fortifications, in order that, if occasion should arise, each should hold and
know his own post, orders the cavalry to issue forth from the camp and commence
action. There was a commanding view from the entire camp, which occupied a ridge
of hills; and the minds of all the soldiers anxiously awaited the issue of the
battle. The Gauls had scattered archers and light-armed infantry
here and there, among their cavalry, to give relief to their retreating troops,
and sustain the impetuosity of our cavalry. Several of our soldiers were
unexpectedly wounded by these, and left the battle. When the Gauls were confident that their countrymen were the conquerors in
the action, and beheld our men hard pressed by numbers, both those who were
hemmed in by the line of circumvallation and those who had come to aid them,
supported the spirits of their men by shouts and yells from every quarter. As
the action was carried on in sight of all, neither a brave nor cowardly act
could be concealed; both the desire of praise and the fear of ignominy, urged on
each party to valor. After fighting from noon almost to sunset, without victory
inclining in favor of either, the Germans, on one
side, made a charge against the enemy in a compact body, and drove them back;
and, when they were put to flight, the archers were surrounded and cut to
pieces. In other parts, likewise, our men pursued to the camp the retreating
enemy, and did not give them an opportunity of rallying. But those who had come
forth from Alesia returned into the town dejected and almost despairing of
success. 81.
The Gauls, after the interval of a day and after making, during that
time, an immense number of hurdles, scaling-ladders, and iron hooks, silently
went forth from the camp at midnight and approached the fortifications in the
plain. Raising a shout suddenly, that by this intimation those who were beseiged
in the town might learn their arrival, they began to cast down hurdles and
dislodge our men from the rampart by slings, arrows, and stones, and executed
the other movements which are requisite in storming. At the same time,
Vercingetorix, having heard the shout, gives the signal to his
troops by a trumpet, and leads them forth from the town. Our troops, as each
man's post had been assigned him some days before, man the fortifications; they
intimidate the Gauls by slings, large stones, stakes
which they had placed along the works, and bullets. All view being prevented by
the darkness, many wounds are received on both sides; several missiles, are
thrown from the engines. But Marcus Antonius, and Caius
Trebonius, the lieutenants, to whom the defense of these parts had
been allotted, draughted troops from the redoubts which were more remote, and
sent them to aid our troops, in whatever direction they understood that they
were hard pressed. 82.
While the Gauls were at a distance from the
fortification, they did more execution, owing to the immense number of their
weapons: after they came nearer, they either unawares empaled themselves on the
spurs, or were pierced by the mural darts from the ramparts and towers, and thus
perished. After receiving many wounds on all sides, and having forced no part of
the works, when day drew nigh, fearing lest they should be surrounded by a sally
made from the higher camp on the exposed flank, they retreated to their
countrymen. But those within, while they bring forward those things which had
been prepared by Vercingetorix for a sally, fill up the nearest
trenches; having delayed a long time in executing these movements, they learned
the retreat of their countrymen before they drew nigh to the fortifications.
Thus they returned to the town without accomplishing their object. 83.
The Gauls, having been twice repulsed with great loss, consult what
they should do; they avail themselves of the information of those who were well
acquainted with the country; from them they ascertain the position and
fortification of the upper camp. There was, on the north side, a hill, which our
men could not include in their works, on account of the extent of the circuit,
and had necessarily made their camp in ground almost disadvantageous, and pretty
steep. Caius Antistius Reginus, and Caius Caninius
Rebilus, two of the lieutenants, with two legions, were in possession
of this camp. The leaders of the enemy, having reconnoitered the country by
their scouts, select from the entire army sixty thousand men, belonging to those
states, which bear the highest character for courage; they privately arrange
among themselves what they wished to be done, and in what manner; they decide
that the attack should take place when it should seem to be noon. They appoint
over their forces Vergasillaunus, the Arvernian, one
of the four generals, and a near relative of Vercingetorix. He,
having issued from the camp at the first watch, and having almost completed his
march a little before the dawn, hid himself behind the mountain, and ordered his
soldiers to refresh themselves after their labor during the night. When noon now
seemed to draw nigh, he marched hastily against that camp which we have
mentioned before; and, at the same time, the cavalry began to approach the
fortifications in the plain, and the rest of the forces to make a demonstration
in front of the camp. 84.
Vercingetorix, having beheld his countrymen from the citadel of
Alesia , issues forth from the town; he brings forth from the camp
long hooks, movable pent-houses, mural hooks, and other things, which he had
prepared for the purpose of making a sally. They engage on all sides at once and
every expedient is adopted. They flocked to whatever part of the works seemed
weakest. The army of the Romans is distributed along
their extensive lines, and with difficulty meets the enemy in every quarter. The
shouts which were raised by the combatants in their rear, had a great tendency
to intimidate our men, because they perceived that their danger rested on the
valor of others: for generally all evils which are distant most powerfully alarm
men's minds. 85.
Caesar, having selected a commanding situation, sees
distinctly whatever is going on in every quarter, and sends assistance to his
troops when hard pressed. The idea uppermost in the minds of both parties is,
that the present is the time in which they would have the fairest opportunity of
making a struggle; the Gauls despairing of all
safety, unless they should succeed in forcing the lines: the Romans expecting an end to all their labors if they should gain the
day. The principal struggle is at the upper lines, to which as we have said
Vergasillaunus was sent. The least elevation of ground, added
to a declivity, exercises a momentous influence. Some are casting missiles,
others, forming a testudo, advance to the attack; fresh men by turns relieve the
wearied. The earth, heaped up by all against the fortifications, gives the means
of ascent to the Gauls, and covers those works which
the Romans had concealed in the ground. Our men have
no longer arms or strength. 86.
Caesar, on observing these movements, sends Labienus with six cohorts to relieve his distressed
soldiers: he orders him, if he should be unable to withstand them, to draw off
the cohorts and make a sally; but not to do this except through necessity. He
himself goes to the rest, and exhorts them not to succumb to the toil; he shows
them that the fruits of all former engagements depend on that day and hour. The
Gauls within, despairing of forcing the fortifications in the
plains on account of the greatness of the works, attempt the places precipitous
in ascent: hither they bring the engines which they had prepared; by the immense
number of their missiles they dislodge the defenders from the turrets: they fill
the ditches with clay and hurdles, then clear the way; they tear down the
rampart and breast-work with hooks. 87.
Caesar sends at first young Brutus, with six cohorts, and afterward Caius Fabius,
his lieutenant, with seven others: finally, as they fought more obstinately, he
leads up fresh men to the assistance of his soldiers. After renewing the action,
and repulsing the enemy, he marches in the direction in which he had sent Labienus, drafts four cohorts from the nearest redoubt,
and orders part of the cavalry to follow him, and part to make the circuit of
the external fortifications and attack the enemy in the rear. Labienus, when neither the ramparts or ditches could check the onset
of the enemy, informs Caesar by messengers of what he
intended to do. Caesar hastens to share in the action.
88.
His arrival being known from the color of his robe, and the troops of cavalry,
and the cohorts which he had ordered to follow him being seen, as these low and
sloping grounds were plainly visible from the eminences, the enemy join battle.
A shout being raised by both sides, it was succeeded by a general shout along
the ramparts and whole line of fortifications. Our troops, laying aside their
javelins, carry on the engagement with their swords. The cavalry is suddenly
seen in the rear of the Gauls; the other cohorts
advance rapidly; the enemy turn their backs; the cavalry intercept them in their
flight, and a great slaughter ensues. Sedulius the general and
chief of the Lemovices is slain; Vergasillaunus the
Arvernian, is taken alive in the flight, seventy-four military
standards are brought to Caesar, and few out of so
great a number return safe to their camp. The besieged, beholding from the town
the slaughter and flight of their countrymen, despairing of safety, lead back
their troops from the fortifications. A flight of the Gauls from their camp immediately ensues on hearing of this
disaster, and had not the soldiers been wearied by sending frequent
reinforcements, and the labor of the entire day, all the enemy's forces could
have been destroyed. Immediately after midnight, the cavalry are sent out and
overtake the rear, a great number are taken or cut to pieces, the rest by flight
escape in different directions to their respective states.
Vercingetorix, having convened a council the following day,
declares, "That he had undertaken that war, not on account of his own exigences,
but on account of the general freedom; and since he must yield to fortune, he
offered himself to them for either purpose, whether they should wish to atone to
the Romans by his death, or surrender him alive.
Embassadors are sent to Caesar on this
subject. He orders their arms to be surrendered, and their chieftains delivered
up. He seated himself at the head of the lines in front of the camp, the
Gallic chieftains are brought before him. They surrender
Vercingetorix, and lay down their arms. Reserving the
Aedui and Arverni, [to try] if he could gain over,
through their influence, their respective states, he distributes one of the
remaining captives to each soldier, throughout the entire army, as plunder.
90.
After making these arrangements, he marches into the [country of the]
Aedui, and recovers that state. To this place embassadors are
sent by the Arveni, who promise that they will execute his
commands. He demands a great number of hostages. He sends the legions to
winter-quarters; he restores about twenty thousand captives to the
Aedui and Arverni; he orders Titus
Labienus to march into the [country of the] Sequani with
two legions and the cavalry, and to him he attaches Marcus Sempronius
Rutilus; he places Caius Fabius, and Lucius
Minucius Basilus, with two legions in the country of the Remi, lest they should sustain any loss from the
Bellovaci in their neighborhood. He sends Caius Antistius
Reginus into the [country of the] Ambivareti,
Titus Sextius into the territories of the
Bituriges, and Caius Caninius Rebilus into those
of the Ruteni, with one legion each. He stations Quintus
Tullius Cicero, and Publius Sulpicius among the
Aedui at Cabillo and Matisco on the Saone , to
procure supplies of corn. He himself determines to winter at Bibracte . A supplication of twenty-days is decreed by the senate at
Rome , on learning these
successes from Caesar's dispatches.
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