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13. The woman, thinking without a doubt, as was indeed the fact, that Aebutius had revealed the secret, threw herself at the feet of Sulpicia, and at first began to plead with [2??] her not to try to turn the chatter of a freedwoman with her lover into something that was not merely serious but even fatal: [p. 253]she had spoken thus for the purpose of frightening1 him, not because she knew anything. [3] At this point Postumius, inflamed with wrath, said that she believed even then that she was jesting with her lover Aebutius, and not speaking in the house of a most respectable matron and in the presence of a consul. Sulpicia too lifted up the terror-stricken woman, and at the same time encouraged her and mollified the anger of her son-in-law. [4] At length regaining her self-control, and complaining much of the treachery of Aebutius, who had returned such gratitude to one who deserved so well of him, she declared that she feared greatly the wrath of the [5??] gods whose hidden mysteries she was to reveal, but far more the wrath of the men who would, if she informed against them, with their own hands tear her limb from limb. [6] Accordingly she begged Sulpicia and the consul that they would banish her somewhere outside Italy, where she could pass the rest of her life in safety. [7] The consul bade her be of good cheer and assured her that it would be his responsibility to see that she could safely live in Rome. Then Hispala set forth the origin of the mysteries. [8] At first, she said, it was a ritual for women,2 and it was the custom that no man should be admitted to it. There had been three days appointed each year on which they held initiations into the Bacchic rites by day; it was the rule to choose the matrons in turn as priestesses. [9] Paculla Annia, a Campanian, she said, when priestess, had changed all this as if by the advice of the gods; for she had been the first to initiate men, her sons, Minius and Herennius Cerrinius; she had held the rites by night and not by day, and instead of a mere three days a year she had established five days of initiation in every month. [10] [p. 255]From the time that the rites were performed in common,3 men mingling with women and the freedom of darkness added, no form of crime, no sort of wrongdoing, was left untried. There were more lustful practices among men with one another than among women. If any of them were disinclined to endure abuse or reluctant to commit crime, they were sacrificed as victims. [11] To consider nothing wrong, she continued, was the highest form of religious devotion among them. Men, as if insane, with fanatical tossings of their bodies, would utter prophecies. [12] Matrons in the dress of Bacchantes, with dishevelled hair and carrying blazing torches, would run down to the Tiber, and plunging their torches in the water (because they contained live sulphur mixed with calcium) would bring them out still burning.4 [13] Men were alleged to have been carried off by the gods who had been bound to a machine and borne away out of sight to hidden caves: they were those who had refused either to conspire or to join in the crimes or to suffer abuse. [14] Their number, she said, was very great, almost constituting a second state; among them were certain men and women of high rank. Within the last two years it had been ordained that no one beyond the age of twenty years should be initiated: boys of such age were sought for as admitted both vice and corruption.

1 B.C. 186

2 One thinks of the Bacchae of Euripides.

3 B.C. 186

4 The torches probably contained the elements mentioned in the form of a mixture of free sulphur and calcium sulphate, which is still to be found in Italy. A torch of this composition, if burning well, would not be extinguished by a brief or partial immersion in water, so that the Bacchanals could perform the feat mentioned if they were reasonably swift in their movements. Calcium sulphate will not burn; free elementary sulphur burns, and we should probably translate vivum as “free” or “elementary” and therefore “burnable.” But it is rather remarkable that Livy, who was not a scientist, should have approached scientific fact so closely. I am indebted for this information to Dr. E. Ward Tillotson, Assistant Director, and Dr. W. W. Duecker, Senior Industrial Fellow, both of the Mellon Institute of Industrial Research of the University of Pittsburgh.

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load focus Notes (W. Weissenborn, H. J. Müller, 1911)
load focus Notes (W. Weissenborn, 1875)
load focus Summary (Latin, Evan T. Sage, Ph.D., 1936)
load focus Summary (English, Evan T. Sage, Ph.D., 1936)
load focus Summary (Latin, W. Weissenborn, H. J. Müller, 1911)
load focus Latin (W. Weissenborn, 1875)
load focus English (William A. McDevitte, Sen. Class. Mod. Ex. Schol. A.B.T.C.D., 1850)
load focus Latin (W. Weissenborn, H. J. Müller, 1911)
load focus English (Rev. Canon Roberts, 1912)
load focus Latin (Evan T. Sage, Ph.D., 1936)
hide References (34 total)
  • Commentary references to this page (7):
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 31-32, commentary, 32.33
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 33-34, commentary, 34.44
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 35-38, commentary, 37.3
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 35-38, commentary, 37.9
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 39-40, commentary, 40.4
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 43-44, commentary, 44.16
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, book 45, commentary, 45.42
  • Cross-references to this page (13):
  • Cross-references in general dictionaries to this page (14):
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