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Whilst the consul was in camp at Ancyra he was visited by envoys from the Tectosagi, who begged him not to advance any further until he had had a conference with their [2??] kings, and assured him that there were no terms of peace which they would not prefer to war. The next day was fixed for the interview; the spot selected was one that seemed to be halfway between Ancyra and the Gaulish camp. [3] The consul went there at the appointed time with an escort of 500 cavalry, but as not a single Gaul was in sight he returned to camp. [4] The envoys reappeared and excused the absence of the chiefs on religious grounds; they promised that some of their principal men would come, as matters could be equally well transacted with them. [5] The consul said that he would send Attalus to represent him. Both parties came; Attalus with an escort of 300 cavalry. [6] The terms of peace were discussed, but no final result could be reached in the absence of the leaders; so it was arranged that the consul should meet the chiefs on the following day. [7] The Gauls had a double object in delaying negotiations; first, to gain time, so that they might transport their property, which might, they feared, expose them to danger, across the Halys, together with their wives and children; secondly, because they were hatching a plot against the consul, who was not taking any precautions against treachery at the conference. [8] For this purpose they had selected out of their entire force 1000 men of proved daring, and the design would have succeeded if fortune had not defended the law of nations which they intended to violate. [9] The Roman troops were sent to collect forage and wood near the place of the conference, as this appeared to the military tribunes to be the safest course, since they would have the consul and his escort between them and the enemy. Another detachment of 600 mounted men was stationed nearer their camp.

[10] On receiving Attalus' assurance that the kings would come and that the negotiations could be completed, the consul started from the camp with the same escort as before. [11] He had ridden nearly five miles and was not far from the appointed place when he suddenly saw the Gauls coming on at full gallop with hostile intent. Halting his force and bidding them prepare themselves and their arms for battle, he met the first charge firmly without giving ground. [12] Then when the weight of numbers began to tell he slowly retired, keeping his ranks unbroken, but at last when there was more danger in remaining on the field than safety in keeping their ranks, they all broke and fled. [13] Thus scattered they were hard pressed by the Gauls, as they cut them down, and a large proportion of them would have been destroyed had not the 600 who were posted to protect the foragers met them in their flight. [14] They had heard the shouts of alarm amongst their comrades, and hurriedly getting their weapons and horses ready they came fresh into the fight when it was almost over. This turned the fortunes of the day. [15] and the panic recoiled from the defeated on to the conquerors. The Gauls were routed in the first charge, and as the foragers came running up from the fields, the enemy found themselves met on every side, with hardly any way of escape open. The Romans on fresh horses were pursuing those which were tired and exhausted, and few escaped. No prisoners were taken. By far the greater number paid the death penalty for their breach of good faith. [16] Furious at this treachery the Romans advanced in full strength against the enemy the following day.

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load focus Summary (Latin, Evan T. Sage, Ph.D., 1936)
load focus Latin (W. Weissenborn, H. J. Müller, 1911)
load focus English (William A. McDevitte, Sen. Class. Mod. Ex. Schol. A.B.T.C.D., 1850)
load focus English (Evan T. Sage, Ph.D., 1936)
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hide References (28 total)
  • Commentary references to this page (9):
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 31-32, commentary, 31.33
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 35-38, commentary, 35.22
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 35-38, commentary, 35.28
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 35-38, commentary, 36.36
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 39-40, commentary, 39.8
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 39-40, commentary, 40.10
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 39-40, commentary, 40.25
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 41-42, commentary, 41.22
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 43-44, commentary, 44.40
  • Cross-references to this page (4):
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Index, Malloea
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Index, Scutale
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Index, Halys
    • Allen and Greenough's New Latin Grammar for Schools and Colleges, CONSTRUCTION OF CASES
  • Cross-references in notes to this page (1):
  • Cross-references in general dictionaries to this page (14):
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