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19. But when winter was now growing mild, Hannibal led his troops out of winter quarters and returned to Casilinum. [2] There, although they had been making no more attacks, an uninterrupted [p. 65]blockade had nevertheless brought townspeople1 and garrison to extreme want. [3] The Roman camp was commanded by Tiberius Sempronius, since the dictator had gone to Rome to take new auspices.2 [4] Marcellus, who was likewise eager to bring aid to the besieged, was held back both by a flood of the river Volturnus and by entreaties of the men of Nola and Acerrae,3 who feared the Campanians if the Roman garrison should withdraw. [5] Gracchus, merely remaining near Casilinum, because it was the dictator's order that he take no action in his absence, made no move, although facts which would easily pass all endurance were being reported from Casilinum. [6] For it was established that some, unable to endure hunger, had thrown themselves from the wall, and that men stood unarmed on the walls exposing unprotected bodies to wounds from missile weapons. [7] Gracchus, though indignant at this, did not dare to engage the enemy without the dictator's order, and saw that, if he should try openly to carry in grain, he must fight. [8] As there was also no hope of carrying it in secretly, he filled many huge jars with spelt brought from the farms all around, and sent word to the magistrate at Casilinum that they should catch up the jars which the river was bringing down. [9] In the following night, while all were intent upon the river and the hope aroused by the Roman messenger, the jars set adrift in midstream floated down, and the grain was evenly divided among them all. This was done the next day also and the third day. [10] It was night when they were set adrift and when they arrived. [11] In that way they escaped the notice of the enemy's guards. After that the stream, now swifter than usual because of incessant rains, forced [p. 67]the jars by a cross current to the bank guarded by4 the enemy. There, caught among the willows growing on the banks, they were seen and it was reported to Hannibal. And thereafter by a closer watch they saw to it that nothing sent down the Volturnus to the city should escape notice.5 [12] However nuts which were poured out from the Roman camp, as they floated down the middle of the river to Casilinum, were caught by wattled hurdles.

[13] Finally they reached such a pitch of distress that they tried, after softening them by hot water, to chew thongs and the hides stripped off of shields; and they did not abstain from rats and other animals, and dug out every kind of plant and root from the bank beneath the wall. [14] And when the enemy had ploughed up all the grassy ground outside the wall, the garrison sowed turnips,6 so that Hannibal exclaimed “Am I to sit before Casilinum until those seeds come up?” [15] And the man who had never before listened to any terms now at last allowed them to treat with him in regard to ransoming the free men. Seven-twelfths of a pound of gold was agreed upon as the price per man.7 [16] On receiving his promise they surrendered. They were kept in chains until all the gold was paid, then with strict regard for his promise they were released. [17] This is the more correct version than that they were slain by a charge of cavalry as they departed. The majority were Praenestines. Of the five hundred and seventy who were in the garrison sword and starvation carried off less than half. The rest returned safe to Praeneste with their commander Marcus Anicius, who had [p. 69]formerly been a clerk. [18] As evidence there formerly8 stood in the forum of Praeneste a statue of the man, wearing a cuirass and draped in a toga, with his head covered. It had an inscription on a bronze plate, stating that Marcus Anicius had paid his vow on behalf of the soldiers who were in the garrison at Casilinum. The same inscription was placed beneath three images of gods set up in the Temple of Fortune.

1 B.C. 216

2 If the auspices were alleged to be defective, the commander returned to Rome to take them again; VIII. xxx. 2.

3 The city had not been entirely destroyed (xvii. 7), and part of the population must have returned.

4 B.C. 216

5 Hannibal had a chain across the river according to Frontinus Strat. III. xiv. 2.

6 This was to impress Hannibal with their confidence that their supplies would hold out for months, and that they did not need the grass and herbs of which he had deprived them; Frontinus III. xv. 3; Strabo V. iv. 10.

7 Nearly four times the ransom demanded for an ally (200 denarii) after the battle of Cannae; XXII. lii. 2.

8 B.C. 216

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load focus Summary (Latin, Frank Gardener Moore, Professor Emeritus in Columbia University, 1940)
load focus Summary (English, Frank Gardener Moore, Professor Emeritus in Columbia University, 1940)
load focus Summary (Latin, W. Weissenborn, H. J. Müller, 1884)
load focus Latin (W. Weissenborn, H. J. Müller, 1884)
load focus Latin (Frank Gardener Moore, Professor Emeritus in Columbia University, 1940)
load focus English (D. Spillan, A.M., M.D., Cyrus Evans, 1849)
load focus Latin (Robert Seymour Conway, Charles Flamstead Walters, 1929)
load focus English (Rev. Canon Roberts, 1912)
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  • Commentary references to this page (14):
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 31-32, commentary, 31.19
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 31-32, commentary, 31.24
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 33-34, commentary, 33.2
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 33-34, commentary, 33.42
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 33-34, commentary, 34.19
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 35-38, commentary, 37.17
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 39-40, commentary, 40.27
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 39-40, commentary, 40.52
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 41-42, commentary, 41.11
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 41-42, commentary, 42.1
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 43-44, commentary, 44.6
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, book 45, commentary, 45.22
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, book 45, commentary, 45.43
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, book 45, commentary, 45.44
  • Cross-references to this page (22):
  • Cross-references in general dictionaries to this page (22):
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