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When Marius had achieved so important an enterprise, without any loss to his troops, he who was great and honored before became still greater and still more honored. All his undertakings,1 however ill-concerted, were regarded as proofs of superior ability; his soldiers, kept under mild discipline, and enriched with spoil, extolled him to the skies; the Numidians dreaded him as some thing more than human; and all, indeed, allies as well as enemies, believed that he was either possessed of supernatural power, or had all things directed for him by the will of the gods.
After his success in this attempt, he proceeded against other towns; a few, where they offered resistance, he took by force; a greater number, deserted in consequence of the wretched fate of Capsa, he destroyed by fire; and the whole country was filled with mourning and slaughter.
Having at length gained possession of many places, and most of them without loss to his army, he turned his thoughts to another enterprise, which, though not of the same desperate character as that at Capsa, was yet not less difficult of execution.2 Not far from the river Mulucha, which divided the kingdoms of Jugurtha and Bocchus, there stood, in the midst of a plain,3 a rocky hill, sufficiently broad at the top for a small fort; it rose to a vast height, and had but one narrow ascent left open, the whole of it being as steep by nature as it could have been rendered by labor and art. This place, as there were treasures of the king in it, Marius directed his utmost efforts to take.4 But his views were furthered more by fortune than by his own contrivance. In the fortress there were plenty of men and arms for its defense, as well as an abundant store of provisions, and a spring of water; while its situation was unfavorable for raising mounds, towers, and other works; and the road to it, used by its inhabitants, was extremely steep, with a precipice on either side. The vineæ were brought up with great danger, and without effect; for, before they were advanced any considerable distance, they were destroyed with fire or stones. And from the difficulties of the ground, the soldiers could neither stand in front of the works, nor act among the vineæ,5 without danger; the boldest of them were killed or wounded, and the fear of the rest increased.
1 XCII. All his undertakings, etc.] “Omnia non bene consult in virtutem trahebantur.” " All that he did rashly was attributed to his consciousness of extraordinary power." If they could not praise his prudence, they praised his resolution and energy.
2 Difficult of execution] “Difficilem.” There seemed to be as many impediments to success as in the affair at Capsa, though the undertaking was not of so perilous a nature.
3 In the midst of a plain] “Inter cœteram planitiem.” By cœteram he signifies that the rest of the ground, except the part on which the fort stood, was plain and level.
4 Directed his utmost efforts to take] “Summâ vi capere intendit.” It is to be observed that summâ vi refers to intendit, not to capere. Summâ ope animum intendit ut caperet.
5 Among the vineæ] “Inter vineas.” “"Inter, for which Muller, from a conjecture of Glareanus, substituted intra, is supported by all the manuscripts, and ought not to be altered, although intra would have been more exact, as the signification of inter is of greater extent, and includes that of intra. Inter is used when a thing is inclosed on each side; intra, when it is inclosed on all sides. If the soldiers, therefore, are considered as surrounded with the vineœ, they should be described as intra vineas; but as there is no reason why they may not also be contemplated as being inclosed only laterally by the vineœ, the phrase inter vineas may surely in that case be applied to them. Gronovius and Drakenborch ad Liv., i. 10, have observed how often these propositions are interchanged when referred to time."” Kritzius. On vineœ, see c. 76.
Sallust. The Jugurthine War. Rev. John Selby Watson, M.A. New York and London. Harper & Brothers. 1899.
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