Shorter Fragments
The first eight of these fragments belong to book 6, but as
they do not fall in with what remains of the text, I have placed
them here. I have divided these fragments into two classes:
(A) those which seem to have some distinct reference which can
be recognised or guessed: (B) those which though fairly complete
in themselves cannot be so classed. A good many more, generally
quoted by Suidas for the sake of some one word, did not seem
worth putting in an English dress. The numbers in brackets
are those of Hultsch's text.
A: Fragments whose reference is known
I (6, 2)
I believe Rome to have been founded in the
second year of the 7th Olympiad.
1
II (6, 2)
Polybius, like Aristodemus of Elis, informs us that the
register of the athletic victors at the Olympic
games began to be kept from the 27th
Olympiad, at which Coroebus of Elis was first registered as
conqueror in the stadium; and this Olympiad was regarded
as an era by the Greeks from which to calculate dates.
2
III (6, 2)
The Palatine was named after Pallas, who died there. He
was the son of Heracles and Lavina, daughter of Evander.
His maternal grandfather raised a barrow as his tomb on this
hill, and called the place after him the Pallantium.
IV (6, 2)
Among the Romans women are forbidden to drink wine;
and they drink what is called
passum, which is made from
raisins, and tastes very like the sweet wine of Aegosthena or
Crete. This is what they drink to quench their thirst. But
it is almost impossible for them to drink wine without
being found out. For, to begin with, the woman has not
got the charge of wine; and, in the next place, she is bound
to kiss all her male relatives and those of her husband, down
to his cousins, every day on seeing them for the first time;
and as she cannot tell which of them she will meet, she has
to be on her guard. For if she has but tasted wine, there is
no occasion for any formal accusation.
3
V (6, 2)
He also founded Ostia at the mouth of the
Tiber.
VI (6, 2)
Lucius Tarquinius Priscus comes to Rome. |
Lucius, the son of Demaratus of Corinth, came to Rome
relying on his own ability and wealth, and convinced that the advantages he possessed would
place him in the front rank in the state: for
he had a wife who, among other useful qualities, was admirably suited by nature to assist in any political enterprise.
Arrived at Rome, and admitted to citizenship, he devoted
himself to flattering the king; and before very long his wealth,
his natural dexterity, and, more than all, his early training,
enabled him so to please the king's taste that he gained his
cordial liking and confidence. As time went on his intimacy
became so close that he lived with [Ancus] Marcius, and
assisted him in managing his kingdom. While so engaged,
he contrived to make himself useful to every one. All who
were suitors for anything found in him an active supporter
and friend: his wealth was spent with noble liberality and
judgment on various objects of national importance; and thus
he secured for himself the gratitude of many, and the goodwill
and good word of all, and finally obtained the throne. . . .
4
Every branch of virtue should be practised by those who
aim at good training, from childhood, but, above all,
courage. . .
(6, 1) An impossible lie admits of no defence even.
(6, 1) It is the act of a wise and sensible man to recognise—as
Hesiod puts it—"how much greater the half is than the whole."
5
VII (6, 1)
To learn sincerity towards the Gods is a kind of image of
truthfulness towards each other.
VIII (6, 1)
It generally happens in the world that men who acquire
have a natural turn for keeping; while those who succeed to
wealth, without any trouble to themselves, are apt to squander it.
IX (10)
The strongest fortifications are in general dangerous to
both sides; which may be illustrated from what occurs in the
case of citadels. These last are regarded as contributing
greatly to the security of the cities in which they stand, and to
the protection of their freedom; but they often turn out to be
the origin of slavery and indisputable misfortunes.
6
X (13)
Some few approved of his doing so, but the majority objected, saying, some that it was folly, and others that it was
madness for a man thus to risk and hazard his life, who was
quite unacquainted with the kind of fighting in use among
these barbarians.
7
XI (16)
"Secure retreat in case disaster fall."
One ought always to keep this line in mind. From failing
to do so Lucius the Roman
8 met with a grave disaster. So
narrow is the risk of destruction to the most powerful forces
when the leaders are unwise. A sufficient illustration to
thoughtful men is furnished by the headstrong invasion of
Argos by Pyrrhus king of the Epirotes,
9 and the expedition
through Thrace of king Lysimachus against Dorimichaites,
king of Odrysae;
10 and indeed many other similar cases.
XII (23)
Marcellus never once conquered Hannibal, who in fact
remained unbeaten until Scipio's victory.
11
XIII (25)
No darkness, no storm however violent, turned him from
his purpose. He forced his way through all such obstacles;
he overcame even disease by resolute labour, and never once
failed in an object or experienced a variation in his uniform
good fortune.
XIV (29)
In old times single combats among the Romans were conducted with good faith [but in our days many contrivances
have been hit upon].
XV (31)
The horse, from the agony of the wound, first fell forward,
and then galloped furiously through the middle of the camp.
XVI (42)
Seeing that the superstitious feelings of the soldiers were
roused by these portents, he exerted himself to remove the
scruples of the men by means of his own intelligence and
strategic skill.
XVII (63)
Ships with six banks of oars
These vessels appear to be as swift sailers as penteconters,
but to be much inferior to triremes; and their construction has
been abandoned for many years past. Polybius, however, is
supposed to lay down the measurements of such vessels, which
the Romans and Carthaginians appear to have often employed
in their wars with each other.
12
XVIII (64)
Getting completely drunk, and all flung on the ground in
the various tents, they neither heard any word of command
nor took any thought of the future whatever.
13
XIX (66)
In consultations of war, as in those relating to bodily sickness, one ought to take as much account of the symptoms
that have since arisen as of those originally existing.
XX (90)
Cappadocia extends from Mount Taurus and Lycaonia up
to the Pontic Sea. The name is Persian and arose thus. A
certain Persian [named Cappadocus?] was present at a hunt
with Artaxerxes, or some other king, when a lion sprang upon
the king's horse. This Persian happened to be in that part of
the hunting company, and drawing his sword rescued the king
from his imminent danger and killed the lion. This Persian
therefore ascending the highest mountain in the neighbourhood
received as a gift from the king as much territory as the
human eye could take in, looking east, west, north, and south.
14
XXI (95)
The Celtiberians have a peculiar manœuvre in war.
When they see their infantry hard pressed, they dismount and
leave their horses standing in their places. They have small
pegs attached to their leading reins, and having fixed them
carefully into the ground, they train their horses to keep their
places obediently in line until they come back and pull up the
pegs.
XXII (96)
The Celtiberians excel the rest of the world in the construction of their swords; for their point is strong and serviceable,
and they can deliver a cut with both edges. Wherefore
the Romans abandoned their ancestral swords after the
Hannibalian war and adopted those of the Iberians. They
adopted, I say, the construction of the swords, but they can
by no means imitate the excellence of the steel or the other
points in which they are so elaborately finished.
15
XXIII (102)
The Roman praetor Marcus
16 wished to get rid of the war
against the Lusitani, and laying aside war altogether, to shirk—
as the saying is—"the men's hall for the women's bower,"
because of the recent defeat of the praetor by the Lusitani.
(103)
But those of the Ligurians who fought against Mago were
unable to do anything important or great.
XXIV (113)
A
mora consisted of nine hundred men.
17
XXV (117)
A general needs good sense and boldness; they are the
most necessary qualities for dangerous and venturesome undertakings.
XXVI (154)
The second king of Egypt, called Philadelphus, when
giving his daughter Berenice in marriage to Antiochus king of
Syria, was careful to send her some Nile water, that the young
bride might drink no other water.
XXVII (156)
I say this to point out the wisdom of the Romans, and the
folly of those who despise the practice of making comparisons
with the habits of foreign nations, and believe themselves competent to reform their own armies
without reference to others.
18
XXVIII (157)
The Romans were wont to take great care not to appear to
be the aggressors, or to attack their neighbours without provocation; but to be considered always to be acting in self-defence,
and only to enter upon war under compulsion.
19
XXIX (166)
When Scipio Africanus, the younger, was commissioned by,
the Senate to settle the kingdoms throughout the world, and see
that they were put in proper hands, he only took five slaves
with him; and, on one of these dying during the journey, he
wrote home to his relations to buy another and send him to
take the place of the dead one.
20
XXX (184)
If one ought to speak of Fortune in regard to such things;
for I fear she often gets credit of that sort without good reason;
while the real fault lies with the men who administer public
business, who sometimes act with seriousness and sometimes
the reverse.
B: Fragments of uncertain reference
XXXI (1)
But not making at all a good guess at the king's mind, he
acted in a most inconsiderate manner.
XXXII (2)
Want of civilisation appears to have an extraordinary influence on mankind in this direction.
XXXIII (3)
But the general being unable to endure the unfairness of
those who made these assertions. . .
XXXIV (5)
But he determined to hold out to the last, trusting to the
supplies from Egypt.
XXXV (6)
But having fallen in with him he gained an extremely
fortunate victory.
XXXVI (7)
In all these things the Aetolians had been deceived.
XXXVII (8)
And some he honoured with gold cloths and spears,
because he wished that his promises should agree with his
performances.
XXXVIII (11)
He wrote in bitter and frantic terms, calling them fiends
and murderers in his letter, if they abandoned the positions
thus disgracefully, before they had suffered or witnessed any
hardship.
XXXIX (12)
There is a courage in words too which can despise death.
XXXIX (14)
Before he had been rejoined by the stragglers of the
skirmishing parties.
XL (27)
Being utterly at a loss, at last he rested his chance of
escape from the difficulty which was upon him on some such
hope as this.
XLI (30)
None of the citizens being aware of what was taking place
owing to the distance, for the city was a large one.
XLII (32)
But trusting to them he undertook the war against
Ariarathes.
XLIII (34)
Harpyia is a city in Illyria near Encheleae, to which
Baton, charioteer of Amphiaraus, removed after the latter's
disappearance.
XLIV (35)
And he waited for the coming of Hasdrubal.
XLV (36)
Hearing all this through the curtain the king laughed.
XLVI (39)
Foreseeing and fearing the fierce temper and obstinacy of
the men.
XLVII (40)
At that time, persuaded that he was enduring a fiery test,
he was released from the suspicion.
XLVIII (43)
He thought therefore that it was dangerous to have shared
in their enterprise when their plan had failed and come to an
end.
XLIX (44)
Having urged the soldiers to make haste, and exhorted the
tribunes to engage.
L (46)
Thinking it better and safer not to be present at the hour
of the enemy's opportunity, nor when they were under the
influence of popular excitement and fury.
LI (47)
Whenever it is possible to obtain satisfaction from those
who have wronged us either by law or by any other settled
forms of justice.
LII (54)
Having drawn his army from the pass he encamped.
LII (55)
And then they took up some sort of order, as though by
mutual consent, and fought the battle in regular formation.
LIII (56)
That which causes the most pain at the time involves also
the most signal revulsion of joy.
LIV (57)
Having ordered the pilots to steer the ships as fast as they
could to Elaea.
LV (61)
They not only drove themselves off the stage, but ruined
also all Greece.
LV (62)
But he, from his long experience of war, did not all lose
his presence of mind.
LVI (67)
He persuades them by reckoning all the wealth he considered they would gain in the battle.
LVII (68)
The Romans had been inspired by some divine influence,
and having fortified their courage with irresistible might . . .
LVII (69)
To signalise some by favours, and others by punishments,
that they might be a warning to the rest.
LVIII (72)
And they, being persuaded, and throwing themselves in the
way of the enemy's charge, died gallantly.
LIX (73)
He tried to take the city by an intrigue, having long
secured a party of traitors within it.
LX (74)
He brought up the transports, by lading which with rocks
and sinking them at the mouth of the harbour he planned to
shut out the enemy entirely from the sea.
LXI (80)
Though I have much more to say, I fear lest some of you
may think that I am unnecessarily diffuse.
LXII (81)
They are reserving themselves for an opportunity, and are
quite ready to meet them again.
LXIII (85)
To be eager for life and to cling to it is a sign of the
greatest baseness and weakness.
LXIV (86)
He was feeling something like starters in horse races, which
are started by the raising of torches.
LXV (88)
Their boldness transgresses the bounds of propriety, and
their actions are a violation of duty.
LXV (91)
Seeing that the Carthaginians had obeyed all injunctions
in the most honourable spirit.
LXVI (92)
To have fifty ships built entirely new, and to launch fifty
of those already existing from the docks.
LXVII (100)
Lucius being appointed to go on a mission to the Lapateni
and speak to them in favour of an unconditional surrender,
was unprepared for the task before him.
LXVIII (101)
Of all the determining forces in war the most decisive of
failure or success is the spirit of the combatants.
LXIX (104)
Having mentioned summarily the defeats they had sustained, and putting before them the successes of the Macedonians.
LXX (105)
For he perceived that the Macedonian kingdom would
become contemptible, if the rebels succeeded in their first
attempt.
LXXI (109)
Therefore it was intolerable that the Romans even then
should make their way into Macedonia unobserved.
LXXII (110)
He, if any one of our time has done so, has examined all
that has been said scientifically on tactics.
LXXIII (111)
Metrodorus and his colleagues, frightened at the threatening aspect of Philip, departed.
LXXIV (112)
The Romans made no show of bearing a grudge for what
had taken place.
LXXV (113)
But putting both spurs to his horse he rode on as hard as
he could.
LXXVI (114)
Being annoyed at the treaty, Nabis paid no attention to its
provisions.
LXXVII (120)
It was neither possible to examine the man closely in his
state of physical weakness, nor to put a question to him for
fear of worrying him.
LXXVIII (122)
The Pannonians having seized the fort at the beginning of
the war, had taken it as a base of operations, and had fitted it
up for the reception of booty.
LXXIX (124)
But wishing to point the contrast between his policy to
those who trusted and those who disobeyed him, he commenced the siege.
LXXX (126)
So that those in the assembly were thunderstruck and unable to collect their thoughts, sympathising with the poignant
sorrow of those thus dispossessed of their all.
LXXXI (131)
They immediately sent a courier to Perseus to tell him what
had happened. (132) It was Perseus's design to keep it close,
but he could not hide the truth.
LXXXII (133)
In other respects he was well equipped for service, but
his spear was limp.
LXXXIII (134)
Publius was anxious to engage and avail himself of the
enthusiasm of the barbarians. (135) He put in at Naupactus
in Aetolia. (136) He escorted Publius out with great respect.
(137) Having received Publius and Gaius with kindness and
honour.
LXXXIV (140)
It was the deliberate intention of the Romans to fight at
sea.
LXXXV (141)
While they were still together and were fighting at close
quarters with their swords, taking his stand behind them he
stabbed him under the armpit.
LXXXVI (151)
This man presented Prusias with many silver and gold cups
during the banquet.
LXXXVII (153)
Taking a wise view of the future, he came to the conclusion
to get rid of the garrison sent by Ptolemy.
LXXXVIII (158)
On that occasion both Romans and Carthaginians bivouacked
on the embankment.
LXXXIX (159)
Not being able to persuade him again, owing to that king's
cautious and inactive character, he was forced to offer five
hundred talents. And so Seleucus agreed to give the aid.
XC (161)
Chance and Fortune, so to speak, enhanced the achievements of Scipio, so that they always appeared more illustrious
than was expected.
XCI (162)
One must not pass over even a minor work of his, as in
the case of a famous artist.
XCII (163)
Scipio counselled him either not to try, or to do so in such
a manner as to succeed at all risks. For to make an attempt
on the same man twice was dangerous in itself, and was apt to
make a man altogether contemptible.
XCIII (164)
But being jealous of Scipio they tried to decry his achievements.
XCIV (168)
Fixing the stocks upright in the ground in a semicircle
touching each other.
XCV (170)
The important point of their resolution was that they would
not admit a garrison or governor, and would not give up their
constitution as established by law.
XCV (177-179)
He said that we should not let the enemy escape, or encourage their boldness by shirking a battle. . . .
Conceiving a slight hope from the besieged garrison, he
made the most of it. . . .
Pretending warm friendship, he tried every manœuvre
whereby he might promote the enemy's interests, and surround
us by the gravest perils. . . .
XCVI (182)
As the rock caused them difficulty because they were obliged
to bore a hole in it, they completed the mine which they were
making by using wooden bolts.
XCVII (183)
He did not think it right to leave the war in Etruria, and
give his attention to the cities in that part of the country. He
feared that he should waste all the time, which was not very
long to begin with, in less important details.
XCVIII (185)
And having got his boats and hemioliae dragged across the
Isthmus he put to sea, being anxious to be in time for the
Achaean congress.
XCIX (191)
Philip was annoyed at the request of the Corcyreans.
C (192)
Since circumstances debar Philip, the king wishes to give
that man the credit of the achievement, making the proposal
to him in the light of a favour.
CI (193)
Philip, having given out that he was about to serve out
rations, made a proclamation that a return should be made to
him of all who had not provisions for more than thirty days.
CII (195)
After two days from starting for the seat of war Philip passed
the order to make two rations three, whenever he wanted an
additional day, and sometimes to make two four. (? Cp.
Livy, 35, 28.)
CIII (195)
A swipe (
φρεατοτόπανον) is one of the implements mentioned
by Polybius. (See
9, 43, Hultsch.)
CIV (199)
It was impossible to convey the equipments and provisions
for the legions by sea or upon beasts of burden; they must
carry ten days' provisions in their wallets.
