Review of Achaean History
IN my former book I explained the causes of the second
war between
Rome and
Carthage; and described Hannibal's
invasion of
Italy, and the engagements which took place between
them up to the battle of
Cannae, on the banks of the
Aufidus.
I shall now take up the history of
Greece during
the same period, ending at the same date, and
commencing from the 140th Olympiad. But I shall first recall
to the recollection of my readers what I stated in my second book
on the subject of the Greeks, and especially of the Achaeans;
for the league of the latter has made extraordinary progress up
to our own age and the generation immediately preceding.
I started, then, from Tisamenus, one of the sons of Orestes,
Recapitulation of
Achaean history, before B.C. 220, contained in Book II., cc. 41-71. |
and stated that the dynasty existed from his
time to that of Ogygus: that then there was an
excellent form of democratical federal government established: and that then the league was
broken up by the kings of
Sparta into separate
towns and villages. Then I tried to describe how these towns
began to form a league once more: which were the first to
join; and the policy subsequently pursued, which led to their
inducing all the Peloponnesians to adopt the general title
of Achaeans, and to be united under one
federal government.
Ending with the deaths of Antigonus Doson, Seleucus Ceraunus,
and Ptolemy Euergetes, before the 140th Olympiad, B.C., 220-216. |
Descending to particulars, I brought my story up to the flight of
Cleomenes, King of
Sparta: then briefly summarising the events included in my prefatory
sketch up to the deaths of Antigonus Doson,
Seleucus Ceraunus, and Ptolemy Euergetes,
who all three died at about the same time, I
announced that my main history was to begin from that point.
Why Begin With This Period of History
I thought this was the best point; first, because it is there
Reasons for starting from this point. (1.) The fact that the history of
Aratus ends at that point. (2.) The possibility of getting good evidence. (3.) The changes
in the various governments in the 139th Olympiad. B. C. 224-220 |
that Aratus leaves off, and I meant my work, as
far as it was Greek history, to be a continuation
of his; and, secondly, because the period thus
embraced in my history would fall partly in the
life of my father, and partly in my own; and
thus I should be able to speak as eye-witness
of some of the events, and from the information
of eye-witnesses of others. To go further back
and write the report of a report, traditions at
second or third hand, seemed to me unsatisfactory either with a view to giving clear impressions
or making sound statements.
But, above
all, I began at this period because it was then that the history
of the whole world entered on a new phase.
Demetrius, had just become the boy king
Achaeus, prince of
Asia on this side of Taurus, had converted
his show of power into a reality; Antiochus the Great had, a
short time before, by the death of his brother Seleucus,
succeeded while quite a young man to the throne of
Syria;
Ariarathes to that of
Cappadocia; and Ptolemy Philopator to
that of
Egypt. Not long afterwards Lycurgus became King of
Sparta, and the Carthaginians had recently elected Hannibal
general to carry on the war lately described. Every government therefore being changed about this time, there seemed
every likelihood of a new departure in policy: which is but
natural and usual, and in fact did at this time occur. For
the Romans and Carthaginians entered upon the war I have
described; Antiochus and Ptolemy on one for the possession
of
Coele-Syria; and the Achaeans and Philip one against the
Aetolians and Lacedaemonians. The causes of this last war
must now be stated.
The Aetolians had long been discontented with a state of
peace and tired at living at their own charges;
they were accustomed to live on their neighbours, and their natural ostentation required abundant means
to support it. Enslaved by this passion they live a life as
predatory as that of wild beasts, respecting no tie of friendship
and regarding every one as an enemy to be plundered.
Hitherto, however, as long as Antigonus Doson was alive, their
fear of the Macedonians had kept them quiet.
But when he
was succeeded at his death by the boy Philip,
they conceived a contempt for the royal power,
and at once began to look out for a pretext and opportunity
for interfering in the
Peloponnese: induced partly by an old
habit of getting plunder from that country, and partly by
the belief that, now the Achaeans were unsupported by
Macedonia, they would be a match for them. While their
thoughts were fixed on this, chance to a certain extent contributed to give them the opportunity which they desired.
There was a certain man of Trichonium
1 named Dorimachus, son of that Nicostratus who made the
treacherous attack on the Pan-Boeotian congress.
2 This
Dorimachus, being young and inspired with the true spirit of Aetolian violence and aggressiveness,
was sent by the state to Phigalea in the
Peloponnese, which,
being on the borders of
Arcadia and
Messenia, happened at
that time to be in political union with the Aetolian league.
His mission was nominally to guard the city and territory of
Phigalea, but in fact to act as a spy on the politics of the
Peloponnese. A crowd of pirates flocked to him at Phigalea;
and being unable to get them any booty by fair means, because
the peace between all Greeks which Antigonus had concluded
was still in force, he was finally reduced to allowing the pirates
to drive off the cattle of the Messenians, though they were friends
and allies of the Aetolians. These injurious acts were at first
confined to the sheep on the border lands; but becoming more
and more reckless and audacious, they even ventured to break
into the farm-houses by sudden attacks at night. The
Messenians were naturally indignant, and sent embassies to
Dorimachus; which he at first disregarded, because he wanted
not only to benefit the men under him, but himself also, by
getting a share in their spoils. But when the arrival of such embassies became more and more frequent, owing to the perpetual
recurrence of these acts of depredation, he said at last that he
would come in person to
Messene, and decide on the claims
they had to make against the Aetolians. When he came,
however, and the sufferers appeared, he laughed at some,
threatened to strike others, and drove others away with abusive
language.
Dorimachus Leaves Messene
Even while he was actually in
Messene, the pirates
came close to the city walls in the night, and by means of
scaling-ladders broke into a country-house called Chiron's
villa; killed all the slaves who resisted them; and having
bound the others, took them and the cattle away
with them.
The Messenian Ephors had long
been much annoyed by what was going on, and
by the presence of Dorimachus in their town; but this they
thought was too insolent: and they accordingly summoned
him to appear before the assembled magistrates. There
Sciron, who happened to be an Ephor at the time, and enjoyed
a high reputation for integrity among his fellow-citizens,
advised that they should not allow Dorimachus to leave the
city, until he had made good all the losses sustained by the
Messenians, and had given up the guilty persons to be
punished for the murders committed. This suggestion being
received with unanimous approval, as but just, Dorimachus
passionately exclaimed that "they were fools if they imagined
that they were now insulting only Dorimachus, and not the
Aetolian league." In fact he expressed the greatest indignation
at the whole affair, and said that "they would meet with
a public punishment, which would serve them well right."
Now there was at that time in Messene a man of disgraceful
and effeminate character named Babyrtas, who was so exactly
like Dorimachus in voice and person, that, when he was dressed
in Dorimachus's sun-hat and cloak, it was impossible to tell
them apart; and of this Dorimachus was perfectly aware. When
therefore he was speaking in these threatening and insolent
tones to the Messenian magistrates, Sciron lost his temper and
said: "Do you think we care for you or your threats,
Babyrtas?" After this Dorimachus was compelled for the
present to yield to circumstances, and to give satisfaction for
the injuries inflicted upon the Messenians: but when he
returned to
Aetolia, he nursed such a bitter and furious feeling
of anger at this taunt, that, without any other reasonable pretext, but for this cause and this alone, he got up a war against
the Messenians.
The Revenge of Dorimachus
The Strategus of the Aetolians at that time was Ariston;
Dorimachus becomes practically Strategus of Aetolia, B. C. 221. |
but being from physical infirmities unable to
serve in the field, and being a kinsman of
Dorimachus and Scopas, he had somehow or
another surrendered his whole authority to the
former. In his public capacity Dorimachus could not venture
to urge the Aetolians to undertake the Messenian war, because
he had no reasonable pretext for so doing: the origin of his wish
being, as everybody well knew, the wrongs committed by himself and the bitter gibe which they had brought upon him. He
therefore gave up the idea of publicly advocating the war, but
tried privately to induce Scopas to join in the
intrigue against the Messenians.
He pointed
out that there was now no danger from the side
of
Macedonia owing to the youth of the king
(Philip being then only seventeen years old);
that the Lacedaemonians were alienated from
the Messenians; and that they possessed the affection and
alliance of the Eleans; and these circumstances taken together
would make an invasion of
Messenia perfectly safe. But the
argument most truly Aetolian which he used was to put before
him that a great booty was to be got from
Messenia, because it
was entirely unguarded, and had alone, of all the Peloponnesian
districts, remained unravaged throughout the Cleomenic war.
And, to sum up all, he argued that such a move would secure
them great popularity with the Aetolians generally. And if
the Achaeans were to try to hinder their march through the
country, they would not be able to complain if they retaliated:
and if, on the other hand, they did not stir, would be no
hindrance to their enterprise. Besides, he affirmed that they
would have plenty of pretext against the Messenians; for they
had long been in the position of aggressors by promising the
Achaeans and Macedonians to join their alliance.
By these, and similar arguments to the same effect, he
roused such a strong feeling in the minds of Scopas and his
friends, that, without waiting for a meeting of the Aetolian
federal assembly, and without communicating with the Apocleti, or taking any of the proper constitutional steps, of their
own mere impulse and opinion they committed acts of hostility simultaneously against
Messenia,
Epirus,
Achaia,
Acarnania, and
Macedonia.
Acts of Hostility Against Macedonia, Epirus, and Acarnania.
By sea they immediately sent out privateers, who, falling in with a royal vessel of
Macedonia near
Cythera, brought it with all its crew to
Aetolia,
and sold ship-owners, sailors, and marines, and
finally the ship itself. Then they began sacking the seaboard
of
Epirus, employing the aid of some Cephallenian ships for carrying out this act of violence.
They tried also to capture Thyrium in
Acarnania. At the same time they secretly-sent some men to
seize a strong place called
Clarium, in the centre of the territory of
Megalopolis; which they used thenceforth as a place of
sale for their spoils, and a starting-place for their marauding
expeditions. However Timoxenus, the Achaean Strategus,
with the assistance of Taurion, who had been left by Antigonus in charge of the Macedonian
interests in the
Peloponnese, took the place after a siege of a very few days. For
Antigonus retained
Corinth, in accordance with his convention
with the Achaeans, made at the time of the Cleomenic war;
3
and had never restored
Orchomenus to the Achaeans after he
had taken it by force, but claimed and retained it in his own
hands; with the view, as I suppose, not only of commanding
the entrance of the
Peloponnese, but of guarding also its interior by means of his garrison and warlike apparatus in
