The Spartan Exiles Refused
THE ambassadors from the Spartan exiles and from the
Embassies at Rome from the Achaeans, the Spartan exiles,
Eumenes of Pergamus, Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, and Pharnaces, king of Pontus, B.C. 182. |
Achaeans arrived in Rome simultaneously
with those of Eumenes, king Ariarathes, and
Pharnaces; and the Senate attended to these
latter first. A short time previously a report
had been made to the Senate by Marcus,
1 who
had been despatched on a mission respecting
the war that had broken out between Eumenes
and Pharnaces, speaking highly of the moderation of Eumenes in every particular, and the
grasping temper and insolence of Pharnaces. The Senate
accordingly did not require any lengthened arguments; but,
after listening to the ambassadors, answered that they would
once more send legates to examine more minutely into the
points in dispute between the kings. Then came in the ambassadors from the Lacedaemonian exiles, and with them the
ambassadors from the citizens actually in the city; and after
giving them a long hearing, the Senate expressed no disapproval of what had been done, but promised the exiles to
write to the Achaeans on the subject of their restoration to
their country. Some days afterwards, Bippus of Argos and his
colleagues, sent by the Achaeans, entered the Senate with a
statement as to the restoration of order in Messene; and the
Senate, without showing displeasure at any part of the arrangement, gave the ambassadors a cordial reception. . . .
Treaty Between the Achaeans and the Messenians
When the ambassadors of the Spartan exiles arrived in
Terms granted to the Messenians |
the Peloponnese from Rome with a letter from
the Senate to the Achaeans, desiring that measures should be taken for their recall and restoration to their country, the Achaeans resolved to postpone the
consideration of the question until their own ambassadors
should return. After making this answer, they caused the
agreement between themselves and the Messenians to be
engraved on a tablet: granting them, among other favours, a
three years' remission of taxes, in order that the damage done
to their territory should fall upon the Achaeans equally with
the Messenians.
The request of the Spartan exiles refused. |
But when Bippus and his
colleagues arrived from Rome, and reported that
the letter in regard to the exiles was not due to
any strong feeling on the part of the Senate, but to the
importunity of the exiles themselves, the Achaeans voted to
make no change.
Mount Haemus in Thrace
Mount Haemus is close to the Pontus, the most extensive
and loftiest of the ranges in Thrace, which it
divides into two nearly equal parts, from which
a view of both seas may be obtained.
2
Troubles in Crete
In Crete there was the beginning of great troubles set
in motion, if one should speak of "a beginning
of troubles" in Crete: for owing to the persistency of civil wars and the acts of savagery
practised against each other, beginning and end are much the
same in Crete; and what appears to some people to be an
incredible story is a spectacle of everyday occurrence
there.
Attalus Goes to Rome
Having come to terms with each other, Pharnaces,
End of the war between Eumenes and Pharnaces, which the former
had undertaken to support his father-in-law Ariarathes. See Livy, 38, 39, B.C. 182-181. |
Attalus, and the rest returned home. While
this was going on, Eumenes had recovered
from his illness, and was staying at Pergamus;
and when his brother arrived to announce the
arrangements that had been made, he approved
of what had been done, and resolved to send
his brothers to Rome: partly because he hoped
to put an end to the war with Pharnaces by
means of their mission, and partly because he wished to introduce his brothers to his own private friends at Rome, and
officially to the Senate. Attalus and his brother were eager
for this tour; and when they arrived in Rome the young men
met with a cordial reception from everybody in private society,
owing to the intimacies which they had formed during the
Roman wars in Asia, and a still more honourable welcome
from the Senate, which made liberal provision for their entertainment and maintenance, and treated them with marked
respect in such conferences as it had with them. Thus,
when the young men came formally before the Senate, and,
after speaking at considerable length of the renewal of their
ancient ties of friendship with Rome and inveighing against
Pharnaces, begged the Senate to adopt some active measures
to inflict on him the punishment he deserved, the Senate gave
them a favourable hearing, and promised in reply to send
legates to use every possible means of putting an end to
the war.
Murder of Apollonides At Sparta
About the same time king Ptolemy, wishing to make
Ptolemy Epiphanes sends a present to the Achaeans. Lycortas, Polybius, and Aratus sent to return thanks, B.C. 181. |
friends with the Achaean league, sent an ambassador to them with an offer of a fleet of ten
penteconters fully equipped; and the Achaeans,
thinking the present worthy of their thanks, for
the cost could not be much less than ten talents,
gladly accepted the offer. Having come to this
resolution, they selected Lycortas, Polybius, and
Aratus, son of Aratus of Sicyon, to go on a
mission to the king, partly to thank him for the arms which
he had sent on a former occasion, and partly to
receive the ships and make arrangements for
bringing them across.
They appointed Lycortas, because, as
Strategus at the time that Ptolemy renewed the alliance, he
had worked energetically on the king's side; and Polybius,
though below the legal age for acting as ambassador,
3 because, as
his father has been ambassador at the renewal of the alliance
with Ptolemy, and had brought the present of arms and of
money to the Achaeans; and Aratus, similarly,
on account of his former intercourse with the
king.
Ptolemy Epiphanes poisoned in B. C. 181. |
However, this mission never went after
all, as Ptolemy died just at this time. . . .
Chaeron the Spartan Demagogue
There was at this time in Sparta a man named Chaeron,
Chaeron's malversations at Sparta. |
who in the previous year had been on an
embassy to Rome, a man of ready wit and great
ability in affairs, but still young, in a humble
position of life, and without the advantages of a liberal education. By flattering the mob, and starting questions which no
one else had the assurance to move, he soon acquired a certain
notoriety with the people. The first use he made of his power
was to confiscate the land granted by the tyrants to the sisters,
wives, mothers, and children of the exiles, and to distribute it
on his own authority among the poor without any fixed rule or
regard to equality. He next squandered the revenue, using the
public money as though it were his own, without the authority
of law, public decree, or magistrate. Annoyed at these proceedings, certain men managed to get themselves appointed
auditors of the treasury in accordance with the laws.
Assassination of Apollonides. |
Seeing
this, and conscious of his mal-administration of the government,
Chaeron sent some men to attack Apollonides,
the most illustrious of the auditors, and the most
able to expose his embezzlements, who stabbed
him to death in broad daylight as he was coming from the
bath. Upon this being reported to the Achaeans, and the
people expressing great indignation at what had been done,
the Strategus at once started for Sparta; and when he arrived
there he brought Chaeron to trial for the murder of Apollonides,
and having condemned him, threw him into prison. He then
incited the remaining auditors to make a real investigation into
the public funds, and to see that the relations of the exiles got
back the property of which Chaeron had shortly before deprived
them.
Pharnaces Invades Cappadocia
In Asia king Pharnaces, once more treating the reference to Rome with contempt, sent Leocritus in
the course of the winter with ten thousand men
to ravage Galatia, while he himself at the beginning
of spring collected his forces and invaded Cappadocia.
When Eumenes heard of it, he was much enraged
at Pharnaces thus breaking through the terms
of the agreement to which he was pledged, but
was compelled to retaliate by acting in the same way.
Eumenes enters Cappadocia. |
When
he had already collected his forces, Attalus and
his brother landed from their voyage from Rome,
and the three brothers, after meeting and interchanging views, marched out at once with the army.
But on
reaching Galatia they found Leocritus no longer there; and
when Carsignatus and Gaesotorius, who had
before embraced the cause of Pharnaces, sent
them a message desiring that their lives might
be spared, and promising that they would do anything that
might be required of them, they refused the request on the
ground of the treachery of which they had been guilty, and
advanced with their full force against Pharnaces;
and having performed the distance from Calpitus to the river Halys in five days, they
reached Parnassus in six more, and being there
joined by Ariarathes, the king of the Cappadocians, with his own army, they entered the territory of the
Mocissians.
Calpitus in Galatia (?). Parnassus, a town on the Halys. |
Just as they had pitched their
camp, news came that the ambassadors from
Rome had arrived to effect a pacification.
Mocissus, N. of the Halys. |
When he heard this, Eumenes sent his brother Attalus to
receive them; while he devoted himself to doubling the number
of his troops, and improving them to the utmost: partly with a
view to prepare them for actual service, and partly to impress
the Romans with the belief that he was able to defend himself
against Pharnaces, and beat him in war.
Eumenes and Pharnaces
When the Roman legates arrived and urged the putting
The Roman legates arrive and undertake to negotiate. |
an end to the war, Eumenes and Ariarathes
professed to be ready to obey; but begged the
Romans to bring them, if possible, to an interview with Pharnaces, that they might see fully
from what was said in their own presence how faithless and cruel
a man Pharnaces was; and, if this proved to be impossible,
to take a fair and impartial view of the controversy and
decide it themselves. The legates replied that they would
do everything that was in their power and was consistent
with honour; but they required the kings to remove their
army from the country: for it was inconsistent that, when
they were there with proposals for a peace, operations of war
should be going on and mutual acts of hostility be committed.
Eumenes and his ally yielded to this representation, and immediately marched off in the direction of Galatia. The Roman
legates then visited Pharnaces, and first demanded that he
should meet Eumenes and Ariarathes in a conference, as that
would be the surest way of settling the affair; but when he
expressed repugnance to that measure, and absolutely refused
to do so, the Romans at once perceived that he plainly thought
himself in the wrong, and distrusted his own cause; but, being
anxious in any and every way to put an end to the war, they continued to press him until he consented to send plenipotentiaries
to the coast, to conclude a peace on such terms as the legates
might command.
When these plenipotentiaries,
the Roman legates, and Eumenes and Ariarathes met, the latter showed themselves ready
to consent to any proposal for the sake of concluding a peace.
But the envoys of Pharnaces disputed every point, and did
not hold even to what they had once accepted, but continually brought forward some fresh demand, and altered their
mind again and again. The Roman legates, therefore, quickly
came to the conclusion that they were wasting their labour, as
Pharnaces could not be induced to consent to the pacification.
The conference accordingly having come to nothing, and the
Roman legates having left Pergamum, and the envoys of
Pharnaces having gone home, the war went on,
Eumenes and his allies proceeding in their
preparations for it.
The Rhodians engaged in putting down a rising of the Lycians. See Bk. 22, ch. 5. |
Meanwhile, however, the Rhodians earnestly requested Eumenes to help
them; and he accordingly set out in great haste
to carry on a war against the Lycians. . . .
Callicrates Sent to Rome
This year the Achaean Strategus Hyperbatus brought
B. C. 180. Debate in the Achaean assembly on the Roman despatch. |
before the assembly the question of the letter
from Rome as to the recall of the Lacedaemonian exiles. Lycortas and his party recommended
that no change should be made, on
the ground that "The Romans had only acted
as they were bound to do in listening to the petition of men
who, on the face of it, were deprived of their rights, so far as
that petition seemed reasonable; but when they were convinced that of a petition some points were impossible, and
others such as to inflict great disgrace and damage upon their
friends, it had never been their custom to insist upon them
peremptorily, or force their adoption. So in this case also, if
it were shown to them that the Achaeans by obeying their
letter would be breaking their oaths, their laws, and the provisions engraved on the tablets, the very bonds of our league,
they will retract their orders, and will admit that we are right
to hesitate and to ask to be excused from carrying out its injunctions." Such was the speech of Lycortas. But Hyperbatus
and Callicrates advised submission to the letter, and
that they should hold its authority superior to law or tablet or
anything else. Such being the division of opinion, the
Achaeans voted to send ambassadors to the Senate, to put
before it the points contained in the speech of Lycortas.
Callicrates of Leontium, Lydiades of Megalopolis, and Aratus
of Sicyon were forthwith nominated for this mission, and were
despatched with instructions to this effect. But on their
arrival at Rome Callicrates went before the Senate, and, so far
from addressing it in accordance with his instructions, he on
the contrary entered upon an elaborate denunciation of his
political opponents; and, not contented with that, he undertook to rebuke the Senate itself.
Callicrates Turns Traitor
For he said that "The Romans were themselves responsible for the Greeks neglecting their letters
Callicrates, instead of obeying his instructions, denounces his opponents, and persuades the Senate that their interference is necessary. |
and orders instead of obeying them. For in
all the democratic states of the day there were
two parties,—one recommending obedience to
the Roman rescripts, and holding neither law
nor tablet nor anything else to be superior to the
will of Rome; the other always quoting oaths and
tablets, and exhorting the people to be careful
about breaking them. Now the latter policy was by far the
most popular in Achaia, and the most influential with the
multitude; consequently the Romanisers were discredited and
denounced among the populace—their opponents glorified.
If then the Senate would give some sign of their interest in
the matter, the leaders, in the first place, would quickly change
to the Romanising party, and, in the next place, would be
followed by the populace from fear. But if this were neglected
by the Senate, the tendency towards the latter of the two
parties would be universal, as the more creditable and honourable in the eyes of the populace. Thus it came about that at
that very time certain statesmen, without any other claims whatever, had obtained the highest offices in their own cities, merely
from coming forward to speak against the rescripts of the
Senate, with the view of maintaining the validity of the laws
and decrees made in the country. If then the Senate was
indifferent about having their rescripts obeyed by the Greeks, by
all means let it go on as it is now doing. But if the Senate
wished that its orders should be carried out, and its rescripts
be despised by no one, it must give serious attention to that
subject. If it did not do so, he knew only too well that the
exact opposite of the Senate's wishes would come about, as
in fact had already been the case. For but lately, in the
Messenian disturbance, though Quintus Marcius had taken
many precautions to prevent the Achaeans adopting any
measures with regard to the Messenians without the consent of
the Romans, they had disobeyed that order; had voted the war
on their own authority; had not only wasted the whole county
in defiance of justice, but had in some cases driven its noblest
citizens into exile, and in others put them to death with every
extremity of torture, though they had surrendered, and were
guilty of no crime but that of appealing to Rome on the points
in dispute. Again, too, though the Senate had repeatedly
written to order the restoration of the Lacedaemonian exiles,
the Achaeans were so far from obeying, that they had actually
set up an engraved tablet, and made a sworn agreement with the
men actually in possession of the city that these exiles should
never return. With these instances before their eyes, the
Romans should take measures of precaution for the future."
Rome and the Achaean League
After delivering a speech in these words, or to this
effect, Callicrates left the Senate-house. He was followed by
the envoys of the exiles, who retired after delivering a short
address, stating their case, and containing some of the ordinary
appeals to pity.
The Romans adopt the policy of raising a party in Greece against the Achaean league. |
The Senate was persuaded that
much of what Callicrates had said touched the
interests of Rome, and that it was incumbent
upon it to exalt those who supported its own
decrees, and to humble those who resisted them.
It was with this conviction, therefore, and at this
time that it first adopted the policy of depressing those who in
their several states took the patriotic and honourable side, and
promoting those who were for appealing to its authority on
every occasion, right or wrong. The result of which was that
gradually, as time went on, the Senate had abundance of flatterers,
but a great scarcity of genuine friends. However, on this
occasion the Senate did not write about the restoration of the
exiles to the Achaeans only, but also to the Aetolians, Epirotes,
Athenians, Boeotians, and Acarnanians, calling them all as it
were to witness, in order to break down the power of the
Achaeans. Moreover, they added to their answer, without saying a word to his colleagues,
a remark confined entirely to Callicrates himself, that "everybody in the various states should be
as Callicrates." This man accordingly arrived in Greece with
his answer, in a great state of exultation, little thinking that
he had become the initiator of great miseries to all the Greeks,
but especially to the Achaeans. This nation had still at that
time the privilege of dealing on something like equal terms with
Rome, because it had kept faith with her from the time that it
had elected to maintain the Roman cause, in the hour of her
greatest danger—I mean during the wars with Philip and
Antiochus. . . . The league, too, had made progress in material
strength and in every direction from the period from which my
history commences; but the audacious proceeding of Callicrates
proved the beginning of a change for the worse. . . .
The Romans having the feelings of men, with a noble
spirit and generous principles, commiserate all who have met
with misfortunes, and show favour to all who fly to them for
protection; but directly any one claims anything as of right,
on the ground of having been faithful to their alliance, they
at once draw in and correct their error to the best of their
ability. Thus then Callicrates, who had been sent to Rome to
plead for the rights of the Achaeans, acted in exactly the
opposite spirit; and dragging in the subject of the Messenian
war, on which the Romans themselves had made no complaint, returned to Achaia to overawe the people with the
threat of the hostility of Rome. Having therefore by his official
report frightened and dismayed the spirits of the populace,
who were of course ignorant of what he had really said in the
Senate, he was first of all elected Strategus, and,
to make matters worse, proved to be open to
bribery; and then, having got the office, carried out the
restoration of the Lacedaemonian and Messenian exiles.
4 . . .
Comparison Between Philopoemen and Aristaenus
Philopoemen and Aristaenus, the Achaeans, were unlike both in character and policy. Philopoemen
Comparison between the characters of Philopoemen and Aristaenus. |
was formed by nature in body and mind for the
life of a soldier, Aristaenus for a statesman and
debater. In polities they differed in this, that
whereas during the periods of the wars with
Philip and Antiochus, Roman influence had become supreme
in Greece, Aristaenus directed his policy with the idea of
carrying out with alacrity every order from Rome, and sometimes even of anticipating it. Still he endeavoured to keep
up the appearance of abiding by the laws, and did, in fact,
maintain the reputation of doing so, only giving way when any
one of them proved to plainly militate against the rescripts
from Rome. But Philopoemen accepted, and loyally performed, all Roman orders which were in harmony with the
laws and the terms of their alliance; but when such orders
exceeded these limits, he could not make up his mind to yield
a willing obedience, but was wont first to demand an arbitration, and to repeat the demand a second time; and if this
proved unavailing, to give in at length under protest, and so
finally carry out the order. . . .
Aristaenus's Attitude to Rome
Aristaenus used to defend his policy before the Achaeans
The view of Aristaenus on the right attitude towards Rome. |
by some such arguments as these: "It was impossible to maintain the Roman friendship by holding out the spear and the herald's staff together.
If we have the resolution to withstand them face
to face, and can do so, well and good. But if Philopoemen
himself does not venture to assert this,
5 . . . why should we
lose what is possible in striving for the impossible? There
are but two marks that every policy must aim at—honour and
expediency. Those to whom honour is a possible attainment
should stick to that, if they have political wisdom; those to
whom it is not must take refuge in expediency. To miss
both is the surest proof of unwisdom: and the men to do
that are clearly those who, while ostensibly consenting to obey
orders, carry them out with reluctance and hesitation. Therefore we must either show that we are strong enough to refuse
obedience, or, if we dare not venture even to suggest that, we
must give a ready submission to orders."
Philopoemen's Policy
Philopoemen, however, said that "People should not
Philopoemen's answer in defence of his policy. |
suppose him so stupid as not to be able to
estimate the difference between the Achaean
and Roman states, or the superiority of the
power of the latter. But as it is the inevitable tendency of
the stronger to oppress the weaker, can it be expedient to assist
the designs of the superior power, and to put no obstacle in
their way, so as to experience as soon as possible the utmost
of their tyranny? Is it not, on the contrary, better to resist
and struggle to the utmost of our power? . . . And if they
persist in forcing their injunctions upon us,
6 . . . and if, by
reminding them of the facts we do something to soften their
resolution, we shall at any rate mitigate the harshness of their
rule to a certain extent; especially as up to this time the
Romans, as you yourself say, Aristaenus, have always made a
great point of fidelity to oaths, treaties, and promises to allies.
But if we at once condemn the justice of our own cause, and,
like captives of the spear, offer an unquestioning submission
to every order, what will be the difference between the
Achaeans and the Sicilians or Capuans, who have been notoriously slaves this long time past? Therefore it must either be
admitted that the justice of a cause has no weight with the
Romans, or, if we do not venture to say that, we must stand
by our rights, and not abandon our own cause, especially as
our position in regard to Rome is exceedingly strong and
honourable. That the time will come when the Greeks will
be forced to give unlimited obedience, I know full well. But
would one wish to see this time as soon or as late as possible?
Surely as late as possible! In this, then, my policy differs
from that of Aristaenus. He wishes to see the inevitable
arrive as quickly as possible, and even to help it to come: I
wish to the best of my power to resist and ward it off."
From these speeches it was made clear that while the
policy of the one was honourable, of the other undignified, both
were founded on considerations of safety. Wherefore while
both Romans and Greeks were at that time threatened with
serious dangers from Philip and Antiochus, yet both these
statesmen maintained the rights of the Achaeans in regard to
the Romans undiminished; though a report found its way
about that Aristaenus was better affected to the Romans than
Philopoemen. . . .